Intellectuals: Agents of Change in Mexico?

1981 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic A. Camp

Intellectuals have always played a role in the political development of their societies. Their role, however, has fluctuated with changes in time and place, and in the 20th century the intellectual's function in society seems ambiguous both to the intellectual himself and to those who have studied him. In spite of this ambiguity, there is a consensus in recent literature that the ability of intellectuals to influence elite groups and the government itself is on the increase (Ladd and Lipset, 1976: 309). The reasons for this increased influence are several, and although there is recognition of the expanding importance of men of knowledge, there are few serious examinations of this group and its role (Marsal and Arent, 1970: 466; Marsal, 1966: 36; Friedmann, 1960: 540-541).

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
M.Yu. Martynova ◽  
◽  
D.M. Feoktistova ◽  
◽  

the author analyzes the problems of the activity and development of the political elite. The current political situation in Russia puts forward new requirements for the functioning of the management system of state institutions and determines the need for professionally trained, highly moral personnel of the modern political elite. The paper considers the possibility of introducing modern and progressive mechanisms of interaction between the government and society – crowdsourcing, which involves the wide involvement of citizens with an active civic position and public associations in the process of public discussion and political decision-making.


Bosniaca ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (26) ◽  
pp. 89-111
Author(s):  
Hana Younis

U radu na osnovu arhivske građe, relevantne štampe i literature autorica analizira način otvaranja muslimanskih kiraethana širom Bosne i Hercegovine početkom 20. stoljeća. Pod kojim uslovima su se otvarale kiraethane, kakva pravila su imale, koje ciljeve te koliko je vlast nadzirala njihov rad neka su od važnih pitanja u radu. Posebna pažnja je posvećena kiraethanama u manjim mjestima gdje su one predstavljale centar svih društvenih dešavanja. Kiraethane nisu bile samo preteča biblioteka i čitaonica, one su najčešće u samom sastavu imale i druge sekcije poput muzičke i antialkoholne. Autorica također posebno analizira unutrašnje odnose na koje utječe političko stanje u zemlji te lični animoziteti uprave, ali i članova. = Based on archival material, relevant press, and literature, the author analyzes the way of opening Muslim reading rooms throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the 20th century. Under what conditions the reading rooms were opened, what rules they had, what goals, and how much the government supervised their work is an important issue in the work. Special attention was paid to the reading rooms in smaller towns where they were the center of all social events. Reading rooms were not only the forerunners of libraries, they usually had other sections, such as music and anti-alcohol sections. The author also analyzes the internal relations that are dependent on the political situation in the country and the personal animosities of the management and members.


2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 137-159
Author(s):  
Zoran Krstic

The subject of the analysis in this paper is the study of the emergence and evolution of the phenomenon of Peronism as the most important political movement and ideology in Argentina and perhaps in Latin America throughout the 20th century. The basic aim of this paper is to present Peronism as a political movement and model of development which emerged during the rule of Juan Domingo Peron in the mid-20th century. This movement continued to exist and last after Peron?s demission from the political scene. In recent history Peronism became something more significant than a political movement or a social development model. Because of that, Peronism can be characterized as a myth. Nowadays, Perosnism is one of the crucial factors in the socio-economic and cultural development in Argentina. The focus of research in this paper is on the presentation and explication of the notions/topics concerning Peron, his movement and rule. These ones are populism, presidentialism and personalisation of power. Also, this paper will analyse the conditions, facts and circumstances under which Peronism emerged and survived in spite of many critics and disputes in the scientific literature as well in the Argentinian politics and society.


Author(s):  
Budi Kurniadi

This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Siwach Sripokangkul

As a response to the protracted political conflict that has plagued Thailand for over a decade, Thai royalist-nationalists have stated that the problem of Thai political development derives from a lack of ‘citizenship’ characteristics in Thais. In their view, the best solution is to educate the masses and to cultivate civic education by teaching both it and normative Thai ‘core values’, together with royalist-nationalist history, as subjects to students. As a result, students are destined to become patriotic ‘saviours’. They are expected to be strong citizens who can solve the political development ‘problem’ of democracy under the ‘Democratic Regime of the Government with the King as Head of State’. This article seeks to understand how the two topics of civic education and history have been taught in Thai schools for twelve years, covering both primary and secondary schools. What type of Thai citizen does this curriculum desire to produce? The author rigorously analysed a corpus of civic education and history teaching material, and argues that the contents of these topics are designed to transform students into ‘docile subjects’. They are ideally ‘objects’ that are to be ordered and imposed upon by the state ideology, shaping them into ultra-royalists and ultra-nationalists.


1990 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 524-552
Author(s):  
Fred Dallmayr

Recent literature on Heidegger concentrates heavily on his (temporary) involvement in or collusion with Nazi ideology and policies. Without belittling the gravity of the issue, this article shifts the focus somewhat by invoking a distinction which recently has emerged (or reemerged) in political thought: namely, the distinction between “politics” and “the political” or between politics viewed as partisan ideology or policy making, on the one hand, and politics seen as regime or paradigmatic framework, on the other. The main thesis of the article is that Heidegger's promising contributions to political theory are located on the level of ontology or paradigmatic framework rather than that of ideological partisanship. While not neglecting the dismal intrusions of the latter plane, the article probes Heideggerian cues for a “rethinking of the political” by placing the accent on four topical areas: first, the status of the subject or individual as political agent; second, the character of the political community, that is, of the polity or (in modern terms) the “state”; thirdly, the issue of cultural and political development or modernization; and finally, the problem of an emerging cosmopolis or world order beyond the confines of Western culture. In discussing these topics, an effort is made to disentangle Heidegger from possible misinterpretations and to indicate how, in each area, his thought pointed in the direction of an “overcoming” of Western political metaphysics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Horváth

Abstract The aim of the article is to introduce a number of determinants that influence the activities of the office of the President of the Slovak Republic. They caused numerous transformations, which were implemented into our constitutional order over the time. The relations between president and government within the executive power is the most common theme of amendments to the Constitution of the Slovak Republic. Even the introduction of the institute of direct election for the head of state in 1999 arose as the result of strained relations between the same power entities. Therefore, there is a clear tendency that only if both components of the executive power come from the same political background, they carry out their activities in a positive way. This statement can be demonstrated by the political development in Slovakia after the year 2010 - throughout the government of Iveta Radičová, as well as Robert Fico.


Author(s):  
Acep Rahmat ◽  
Nana Supriatna ◽  
Moch Eryk Kamsori

This bachelor thesis titled “The political role of Javanese Ethnic in Suriname (1991- 2015), the main issues raised in this research is “How was the political role of Javanese ethnic in Suriname 1991- 2015?”. The main problem in this thesis divided into four questions, namely: (1) Why did Javanese Ethnic interested in Suriname’s politics? (2) How was the political development in Suriname in 1991- 2015? (3) How was the contribution of Javanese ethnic in Suriname in 1991-2015? (4) How was the impact of the political role of Javanese ethnic in Suriname in 1991- 2015? (3). That four questions become the basic and the main problem in this research. This research uses the historical method includes the four steps in it, such as heuristic, critic, interpretations and historiography. Meanwhile, the data collection techniques that used in this research is  literature studies, by examining the sources that relevant with the problems in this research. The approach in this research using interdisciplinary approaches by using the concept of politics, anthropology and sociology. The politics concepts that used is political party and government. The concept used from anthropology is ethnic, and the concepts from sociology is social mobility and adaptation theory. The main content of this research is the role of Javanese ethnic as newcomers in politics in Suriname. This research explains that the existence of discrimination policy by the Suriname’s special autonomy government against Javanese Ethnic who were reputed as the newcomers that made them joined politics in Suriname by establishing Javanese parties, entering the government and parliament, so that giving the impact for the Javanese ethnic on the modern era, there are many important political figures in  Suriname who served as the head of parliament, prime minister and the candidate of Suriname’s president.


Author(s):  
R.A.W Ranasinghe

The Government Agent (GA) represented the highest authority of the district Administration in the pre-independent Sri Lanka. A similar position known as the “Disawe” could be found in the local administration in the kandyan kingdom. The post of the disawe was replaced by the colonial post of the GA. The powers and functions of the GA made him a petty king in the district. The GA commanded his duty centering in his official place known as Kachchery. The beginning of the 20th Century, the GA played a significant role in district administration in Sri Lanka. Despoil of power and functions of the GA by the political authority were accelerated with the introduction of the Provincial Council system in 1987. Presently the GA is not other than a government servant who plays a role of a coordinator. Also GA has become a victim of the rapid process of politicization of bureaucracy.


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