The Problem of Authorization

2020 ◽  
pp. 119-155
Author(s):  
Chiara Cordelli
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Government ◽  
Normative Power ◽  
Moral Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Private Actors

This chapter addresses the question of authorization on whether there are limits to what a democratic government can validly authorize private actors to do on its behalf. It contends that there should be aggregative limits to what private actors can be validly authorized to do and decide on behalf of a democratic government. It also clarifies the claim that privatization, beyond a certain threshold, should be regarded as an abdication of the collective right to democratic self-rule. The chapter explains how a democratic people lack the moral power to abdicate their own self-rule, while a government lacks the moral power to validly engage in the systematic privatization of public functions. It discusses delegations that should be regarded as lacking the authorizing normative power that the government purport to have in societies where privatization is already pervasive.

The abolition of the liturgical chorēgia and the creation of the agōnothesia in Athens: new considerations on a debated issue

2020 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 34-68
Author(s):  
Delphine Ackermann ◽  
Clément Sarrazanas
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Ancient Source ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
New Look

Abstract:No ancient source indicates when the agōnothesia, attested for the first time in 307/6 BC, was introduced in Athens. Scholars have long attributed its creation, along with the abolition of the liturgical chorēgia, to the government of Demetrius of Phalerum (317–307 BC), motivated by oligarchic ideology and a desire to preserve the wealth of rich citizens. This traditional thesis has recently been challenged, with some scholars attributing the creation of the agōnothesia to the restored democratic government of 307 BC and others to the government of Phocion (322–318 BC). A new look at epigraphical and literary documents hitherto neglected or imperfectly understood (especially from the Attic demes) allows the authors to establish that the liturgical chorēgia disappeared at the beginning of the government of Demetrius of Phalerum, around 316 BC. The institution of the agōnothesia had a precedent (hitherto overlooked) in Lycurgan Athens with the new festival of the Amphiaraia of 331 BC. Both measures were in fact consensual and must not be interpreted as strictly oligarchic in inspiration. The creation of the agōnothesia was above all a pragmatic response on Athens’ part to the major changes that occurred in the agonistic world in the late fourth century.

Can the EU be a federal democracy? Assessing the horizontal and vertical dimension of the EU government from comparative perspective

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jared Sonnicksen
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Eu Governance ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
Democratic Character ◽  
Comparative Federalism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Power Arrangements ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe European Union remains an ambivalent polity. This uncertainty complicates the assessment of its democratic and federal quality. Drawing on comparative federalism research can contribute not only to making sense of whether, or rather which kind of federalism the EU has developed. It can also enable addressing such a compounded, but necessary inquiry into the federal and democratic character of the EU and how to ascertain which type of democratic government for which type of federal union may be appropriate. The article first elaborates a framework to assess the dimensions of federal and democratic government, drawing on comparative federalism research to delineate basic types of federal democracy. Here the democratic dimension of government is taken as referring primarily to the horizontal division of powers (among ‘branches’) of government, the federal dimension to the vertical division of powers (among ‘levels’) of governments. The framework is applied to the government of the EU in order to gauge its own type(s) of division of power arrangements and the interlinkage between them. Finally, the discussion reflects on whether or rather how the EU could comprise a federal democracy, especially in light of recent crisis challenges and subsequent institutional developments in EU governance.

scholarly journals Un mecanismo de integración federal y ciudadana: las consultas «prenormativas» del ordenamiento constitucional suizo

2015 ◽  
pp. 353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Remedio Sánchez Ferriz
Keyword(s):  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The Law ◽  
Constitutional Right ◽  
The Government ◽  
Territorial Integration

En las recientes reivindicaciones de mayores medios de participación democrática, como contestación a la simple participación mediante representantes elegidos, Suiza nos ofrece, una vez más, un ejemplo muy curioso. Este es un estudio sobre la regulación constitucional y legal del proceso de consultas a través del cual los ciudadanos dejan sentir su voz en todo proyecto normativo relevante. Puede ser considerado un derecho constitucional más pero, a la vez, es un mecanismo de integración territorial y ciudadana en un sistema presidido por la permanente manifestación de la voluntad popular.In the latest demands to enable an increase in popular participation in any democratic government, once more Switzerland offers a very curious example. In this study can be seen the constitutional and legal regulation for the consultation like the process in which, the citizens in Switzerland contribute in the elaboration of the law, expressing their views when the Government is preparing some important legislation. It can be considered another constitutional right; but at the same time it is a mechanism for territorial integration and citizenship in a system chaired by the permanent expression of the popular will.

scholarly journals The Implication of Caliphate Ideology Movement against the Implementation of Democracy toward Jember Society

FIKRAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 209
Author(s):  
Moh Abd Rauf
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Research ◽  
Community Organizations ◽  
Phenomenological Approach ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The People ◽  
Result Show ◽  
The Government

<p><span>The internalization of the caliphate ideological movement by several community organizations rolled since the reform era because of the provision public freedom space. One of the organizations that forced to establish the caliphate was Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). This paper tries to reveal the ideology concept in the HTI’s perspective and how they internalize the caliphate<em> </em>movement toward the existence democracy in Jember East Java Indonesia. This research uses a type of empirical research with phenomenological approach. The result show that democracy is essentially represent the government and the supreme power of a state. The system of democratic government follows the principle of government from the people, by the people, and for the people. The movement of caliphate was very influential in undermining the value of democracy is known to be very comprehensive. At this time the movement is expanding to various regions, especially in Jember city in changing the general paradigm of society to follow the ideology.</span></p>

scholarly journals The responsibility of the regional heads against the management of regional finances

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 00009
Author(s):  
Dani Sintara ◽  
Faisal Akbar Nasution
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Compromises

In administering governance, Regional Heads are given an authority to manage the local finances independently. This authority is regulated in Law Number 9 of 2015 and Government Regulation Number 3 of 2007. Accountability of Regional Heads is a form of a democratic government. In a democratic government, the government has limited power and is not justified to act arbitrarily against its citizens. In reality, the implementation of the accountability is often the result of a political compromise. Political compromises occur due to the behavior of the political elite and the weakness of the existing legislation. This weakness relates to the mechanism of the accountability against the management of regional finances which opens an opportunity between the Regional Heads and the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) to conduct a negative relationship. The political compromises in the accountability of the Regional Heads have had a negative impact on the local governance. Whereas, the purpose of implementing a regional autonomy is to improve the quality of justice, democracy and prosperity. Therefore, before the DPRD rejects the accountability of the Regional Heads, it must first be tested in the Supreme Court.

What Explains Credible Apologies? A Comment on Yap' ‘Non-Electoral Responsiveness Mechanisms’

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 368-371
Author(s):  
ROBERT C. LOWRY
Keyword(s):  
Causal Relationship ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Recent Issue ◽  
Ceteris Paribus ◽  
Strike Activity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Private Actors ◽  
Joint Occurrence ◽  
Monitoring Activity

In a recent issue of this Journal Professor Yap asks whether and how governments in what she calls ‘less-democratic’ countries, that is those where elections are uncompetitive due to a lack of democratic safeguards or opposition parties, are held accountable for the effects of their policies on economic performance. She argues that governments in these countries have an interest in avoiding strife and inducing private actors to provide resources necessary for economic prosperity. Because of this, ‘when their economies are performing less than optimally, these governments tend to offer credible apologies in the same year to attenuate the potential labour disquiet and loss in production investment.’ Yap develops the concept of a credible apology as the joint occurrence of punishment of responsible actors or reparations to injured parties, and an increase in monitoring activity by non-government actors. She then presents evidence for South Korea for 1964–87 and Singapore and Malaysia for 1966–94 showing that, ceteris paribus, the tendency of production investment to decrease and strike activity to increase in years with high unemployment is offset if the government makes a credible apology.Yap is quite clear that she assumes a causal arrow running from poor economic performance to credible apologies. Indeed, such a causal relationship is necessary for the concept of accountability; the events that Yap classifies as credible apologies must be made in response to unsatisfactory economic performance in order for us to say that these governments are being held (or are holding themselves) accountable for the consequences of their policies.

Voluntary environmental collaborations and corporate social responsibility in Siem Reap city, Cambodia

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koet Vitiea ◽  
Seunghoo Lim
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Environmental Issues ◽  
Collaborative Networks ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Government ◽  
Corporate Social ◽  
Private Actors

Purpose This study aims to identify which actors play leadership and brokerage roles in voluntary environmental collaborations and how the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of actors is associated with such voluntary networking behaviours in Cambodia. Design/methodology/approach To achieve these purposes, this study mainly uses social network analysis to capture the properties of networking behaviours in the voluntary collaborative activities underlying three main environmental issues: waste disposal, energy and water pollution. The study focusses on the collaborative efforts undertaken by actors across multiple sectors: governmental organizations, for-profits and civil society organizations. Findings The results show that the government plays the leading role in voluntary environmental collaborations across environmental issues; however, the actual implementation is expanded to be undertaken by non-state actors. Moreover, CSR has positive associations with networking and brokerage roles; therefore, this study reveals the utility of various voluntary policy instruments. Practical implications This study demonstrates the role of governmental initiation and its influence on non-state actors, even for voluntary environmental tools. The CSR initiatives of private actors can also be supported and encouraged by the government, which will promote participation by private actors in voluntary collaborative networks and their leading role as network facilitators. Social implications By understanding the positions and roles of each actor in the environmental collaborative networks, environmental policymakers can better understand the possibilities and the capabilities of each actor both to improve policy design and learning and to respond to policy changes effectively. Originality/value Voluntary collaboration and CSR are non-regulated policy tools; however, they can be promoted and introduced into society by governmental organizations, and they affect each other.

Determinants of Environmental Clean-up in Estonia

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 679-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew R Auer ◽  
Anto Raukas
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Hot Spots ◽  
Environmental Remediation ◽  
Contaminated Sites ◽  
Environmental Cooperation ◽  
Current Form ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
Private Actors ◽  
External Actors

In the early 1990s, the government of Estonia determined that it possessed neither the technical nor the financial resources to clean up Estonia's Soviet-era pollution satisfactorily. Yet data reveal that, during the 1990s, Estonia was relatively adept at cleaning up old contamination. In this paper we identify the key determinants of Estonia's relatively high level of success at environmental remediation. Content analyses of clean-up experiences were performed for three main categories of contaminated sites: ex-military, industrial, and municipal. All analyzed sites were identified by the government of Estonia as priority environmental hot spots in the early 1990s. The most successfully remediated sites were recipients of foreign direct investment or foreign aid, or both, and particularly aid from international financial institutions (IFIs). IFIs and foreign private actors were persuaded to act because of their confidence in the income-generating potential of the projects. In light of this finding, revisions must be made to an oft-cited model of ‘institutions for international environmental cooperation’. In its current form, this model downplays external actors' market-oriented motives.

Breaking the Wall of Silence: Aids Policy and Politics in Nigeria

2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ogoh Alubo
Keyword(s):  
High Risk ◽  
Control Program ◽  
Risk Groups ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Aids Policy ◽  
Conspiracy Of Silence ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Prevalence

AIDS was first diagnosed in Nigeria in 1986. By that time, the government had enough information from experiences in other African countries to goad it into quickly establishing a control program. Nigeria's National AIDS Control program, however, fell victim to years of military arbitrariness and uncertainty. It was underfunded and had three directors in as many years. This arbitrariness and general lukewarm response from government occurred despite rapid increases in seroprevalence rates. Available data indicate a national prevalence of 5.4 percent and rates as high as 30 percent among some “high-risk” groups; as many as 10 to 15 persons with full-blown AIDS are admitted weekly in some tertiary facilities. Experiences in communities show an already heavy and growing burden. The nonchalance of past military regimes is gradually being reversed with Nigeria's return to civil rule in May 1999. Perhaps because of the fragmented statistics and the government's seeming conspiracy of silence, Nigeria is not included in the count of African countries with high HIV/AIDS prevalence. The author suggests that the new democratic government needs to go beyond professed commitment to demonstrable action to halt the spread and address social and other impacts of the epidemic.

scholarly journals Subversi Terhadap Pemerintah Indonesia Dalam Diskursus Demokrasi

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Karman Karman
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Internet Use ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Government

Democratization in developing countries gets a challenge from Islamic fundamentalists. ICT provides an important opportunity for the rise of subversion against a democratic government. This article deals with construction of fundamentalists of Islamic groups in Indonesia towards democracy via the Internet. The goal of this study is to know their construction in the discourse of democracy. This research was using the method of discourse analysis with the model introduced by Leeuwen (2008). This research shows that the fundamentalists construct democracy on the basis of theology arguments (i.e.: democracy is a kufr system, idolatry, forbidden, and Islam-based invalid system) and bad effects of democracy. Democracy is a colonization tool of Western countries. It creates accompliceship between the rich and the powerful. Fundamentalists regard democracy as a “religion”. The Indonesian government is represented as “kafir (non-believer)/murtad(apostate)”, “colonialist’s accomplice”, “pharaoh”. Fundamentalist’s internet use becomes a challenge for the government with the subversion discourse emergence.

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