Strategy of positive mediatization of war in Vietnam (based on newspapers "Pravda" and "Komsomol’skaya pravda", 1965)

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-364
Author(s):  
Irina Trofimovna Vepreva ◽  
Minh Tuan Uong

The article is devoted to the analysis of the strategy of positive mediatization of the Vietnamese War in the Soviet media. The theoretical basis of the work is the concept of mediatization of politics developed as a term in the era of global informatization when the perception of social conflicts and their evaluation are actively formed by the mass-media. The projection of this concept to the events of 1965-1973 allows identifying the features of coverage of the military conflict in the Soviet media which are the mouthpiece of the official authorities. The material for the research is the newspaper resources in "Pravda" and "Komsomol'skaya pravda" for 1965 which is the starting point of the beginning of the USSR’s military assistance to fighting Vietnam. Two polar substrategies of mediatization of the image of Vietnam are found and characterized, based on opposition of ours and theirs: the substrategy of the heroization of the Vietnamese people and the substrategy of the accusation and condemnation of the external aggressor – the United States. The opposition of ours and theirs is value oriented. The representation of ours and theirs dichotomy by means of a totalitarian language has identified hypertrophied and simplified evaluation in the designation of ours and theirs. The first group is characterized by an absolutely positive evaluation, the second is absolutely negative. Among the linguistic means of implementing the substrategy of accusation and condemnation of the external aggressor, evaluative epithets, metaphorical nominations, political labels with negative evaluative connotation, and slogan headings of the accusatory and condemning type are found. The substrategy of the heroization of the Vietnamese people has formed a general idea of the national character of the Vietnamese. The positive mediatization of the Vietnam War has resulted in the enrichment of the meaning of the concept of Vietnam. In the Russian linguistic consciousness, there formed positively estimated views about the Vietnamese as a friendly, hardworking, heroic nation, capable of defending their independence.

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 140-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhaile Spence ◽  
David Rose ◽  
James A. Tucker

The Vietnam War left in its wake not only physical casualties but psychological ones as well. Among the most significant features of the war’s aftermath are numerous and well-documented cases of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Despite having been observed by writers, scholars, and others as early as biblical times, it was not until the emotional and psychological aftereffects suffered by Vietnam veterans became too numerous and significant to ignore that medicine, psychology, and the U.S. military undertook serious study of the disorder. David Rose, himself a veteran, shares his personal PTSD journey, having been diagnosed some 45 years after his return from Vietnam. David’s story and poetry paint a picture that is both deeply personal and yet all too common among veterans of military conflict. Through David’s story, we explore the questions of what PTSD is and how it has been addressed by the military as well as those charged with providing treatment. Also explored is the concept of moral injury and the ethical implications of exposing service members to circumstances, which inevitably bear psychological consequences.


Author(s):  
David Berry

AbstractHealthcare is fully embracing the promise of Big Data for improving performance and efficiency. Such a paradigm shift, however, brings many unforeseen impacts both positive and negative. Healthcare has largely looked at business models for inspiration to guide model development and practical implementation of Big Data. Business models, however, are limited in their application to healthcare as the two represent a complicated system versus a complex system respectively. Healthcare must, therefore, look toward other examples of complex systems to better gauge the potential impacts of Big Data. Military systems have many similarities with healthcare with a wealth of systems research, as well as practical field experience, from which healthcare can draw. The experience of the United States Military with Big Data during the Vietnam War is a case study with striking parallels to issues described in modern healthcare literature. Core principles can be extracted from this analysis that will need to be considered as healthcare seeks to integrate Big Data into its active operations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110068
Author(s):  
Sam R. Bell ◽  
K. Chad Clay ◽  
Ghashia Kiyani ◽  
Amanda Murdie

Do civil–military relations influence human rights practices? Building on principal–agent theory, we argue that civilian–military relations, instead of having an effect on mean levels of repression, will be associated with the dispersion in human rights practices. States where there is less control of the military or more conflict between civilian and military leadership will see a wider range of human rights practices. We test our hypotheses quantitatively on a global sample of countries, using updated data on civil–military relations and find evidence that civil–military conflict and lack of control increase the variance in human right practices.


2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID LUBAN

AbstractMilitary and humanitarian lawyers approach the laws of war in different ways. For military lawyers, the starting point is military necessity, and the reigning assumption is that legal regulation of war must accommodate military necessity. For humanitarian lawyers, the starting point is human dignity and human rights. The result is two interpretive communities that systematically disagree not only over the meaning of particular law-of-war norms, but also over the sources and methods of law that could be used to resolve the disagreements. That raises the question whether military lawyers’ advice should acknowledge any validity to the contrary views of the ‘humanitarian’ community. The article offers a systematic analysis of the concept of military necessity, showing that civilian interests must figure in assessing military necessity itself. Even on its own terms, the military version of the law of war should seek to accommodate the civilian perspectives featured in the humanitarian version.


2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Bidegain

AbstractThis article analyzes aspects of the complex process that led to independence in the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada. It focuses on the role of religion and of social actors that have not been sufficiently taken into account in traditional historiography. The latter has paid much attention to political and economic aspects, but has disregarded other important changes that propelled the independence process, profound socio-cultural transformations and events that indicate the complexity of the process. First of all, this was not just a revolution from above and the historical periodization has to be reworked as a result of the Borbonic Reforms, with their leaning toward enlightenment. We must not consider the military uprisings as the starting point of the emancipation from the Spanish crown. Even though the colonial societies did not follow the same path as the European bourgeois revolutions with their proposed liberal perspectives, important changes did indeed happen, in which all social groups were implicated. From both the religious and particularly the women's historical perspective we can see the important transformations that took place. Examples are provided of how women of the popular classes triggered the process. Likewise, women amongst the educated elite, large sectors of the Creole clergy and some educational institutions were important agents of the ideological changes, by propagating new ideas. All these, in turn, paved the way for the further diversification of the ideological and religious landscape of Latin America during the independence period.


1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Jacob

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.


Author(s):  
Alheder Haled

The paper is devoted to determining the prospects for cooperation between Russia and the Syrian Arab Republic in various scenarios of military conflicts. In order to identify the relationship between the success of the country's foreign economic policy and the military conflicts waged on its territory, a study was conducted of such indicators of Syria as: the growth rate of the peace index and the GDP growth rate. A strong inverse correlation is revealed, which means that the level of political situation and peace in the state determines the efficiency of the economy. In view of this, various scenarios of the development of the military conflict in Syria have been studied: at the initial stage, at the stage of active hostilities, at the present stage of overcoming the crisis. The last stage involves four different scenarios for the development of a military conflict, including a local nature and a protracted nature with the involvement of other countries of the world. Options for developing cooperation between Russia and Syria have been identified for each scenario. Taking into account the assessment of the international political situation, the two most likely scenarios for further military events in Syria are identified, and the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Syria in these conditions are outlined.


Epohi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Yordanov ◽  
◽  
◽  

The main problem, discussed in the article, is the place the chief takes in the potestary-political system of the so-called chiefdom and the so-called early state. The starting point is the conception that the chief¬tain institution is a polyvariant phenomenon. The data of the cross-cultural analysis of the problem concerning the chieftain institution of the late tribal epoch, the epochs of politogenesis and of the early state, respectively, outline comparatively distinctly several categories of chiefs: firstly, the sacralized institution of the chiefs of the separate segments of the clans, delocalized in communities, i. e. the leaders of the separate structural sections of these tribal organization, still consisting of clans, organized on the principle of the classification kinship; secondly, the chiefs who were connected with the leadership in the primary age-set system, and thirdly, the category of chiefs, designated with the ethnological term bigman. It was on the basis of these three categories of chiefs on which the chieftain institutions of the epoch of politogenesis are formed, building the supreme sections of the potestary-political system of the so-called chiefdom: the category of the hereditary sacralized chief-(priest), the category of the military chiefs (which is their most general qualification), and the category of the so-called bigmen. It is the figures of these three categories of chiefs that stand out strongly in the pote¬stary-political system of the epoch of the politogenesis and determine their definition as chiefdom. Undoubtedly, the good knowledge of the chieftain institution with its categories will be of great help to the study of genesis of the monocratic institution. In the current research the attention is focused on a limited number of questions – the “class of the chiefs”, the supreme chieftain colleges and the binary chieftain institution, the paramount chief.


2005 ◽  
pp. 105-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordana Djeric

The article deals with the explanatory relevance of the concept of stereotype in one of its original meanings - as a "mental image". This meaning of the term is the starting point for further differentiations, such as: between linguistic and behavioral stereotypes (in the sense of nonverbal, expected responses); universal and particular stereotypes; self representative and introspective stereotypes; permanent and contemporary stereotypes; and finally, what is most important for our purposes, the difference between silent and audible stereotypes. These distinctions, along with the functions of stereotype, are discussed in the first part of the paper. In the second part, the relations of silent and audible stereotypes are tested against the introduction of "innovative vocabularies" in popular lore. In other words, the explanatory power of this differentiation is checked through an analysis of unconventional motives in Serbian epic poems. The goal of the argument is to clarify the procedure of self creation of masculinity as a relevant feature of the "national character" through "tactic games" of silent and audible stereotypes. The examination of these "poetic strategies" serves a twofold purpose: to illustrate the process of constructing particular features of the "ethno type", on one hand, and to check hypotheses and models which are taken as frameworks in analyzing stereotypes, on the other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 3.1-3.12
Author(s):  
N. Mahina Tuteur

This article examines the environmental impacts of the US military presence in Hawaii, looking specifically at the federal government’s power to condemn land for a ‘public purpose’ under the US Constitution. In 2018, the Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that the State of Hawaii failed its duty to properly manage 23,000 acres of lands leased to the military at Pōhakuloa and must take an active role in preserving trust property. With the expiration of this lease (and several others) approaching in 2029, controversy is stirring as to whether the military will simply condemn these lands if the cost of clean-up is greater than the land’s fair-market value at the expiration of the lease. In other words, as long as it remains cheaper for the military to pollute and condemn than it is for it to restore, what options do we have for legal and political recourse? Considering grassroots movements’ strategic use of media and legal action through an environmental justice lens, this article provides a starting point to consider avenues for ensuring proper clean-up of these lands, and ultimately, negotiating for their return to Kānaka Maoli.


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