O heterogenicznym statusie filmu politycznego

1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (297) ◽  
pp. 100-125
Author(s):  
Kamil Minkner
Keyword(s):  
Social Communication ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Stuart Hall ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Film

The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film’s political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.

O heterogenicznym statusie filmu politycznego

1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (297) ◽  
pp. 100-125
Author(s):  
Kamil Minkner
Keyword(s):  
Social Communication ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Stuart Hall ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Film

The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film’s political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE KALMYK KHANA IN RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER V. TSYURUMOV ◽  
◽  
ANDREY A. KURAPOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article is devoted to the study of one of the most important problems of modern historical science - the history of the formation of the Russian multinational state. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the state and political statuses of the national autonomies of Russia - the Kalmyk Khanate and the Hetman's Ukraine. The statehood of the Kalmyk nomads arose after their entry into the Russian state in the first half of the 17th century. It is shown that the nature of the Russian-Kalmyk relations during this period makes it possible to define them as a protectorate of Russia over the Kalmyk uluses. The article examines the formation of the Russian-Kalmyk interaction, the evolution of the status, territorial framework and geopolitical position of the Kalmyk Khanate. At the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century. After the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz migrated to Emba, the Kalmyk lands partially lost their border status and began to increasingly resemble the inner territory of the Russian Empire. A gradual transformation of political autonomy into administrative one begins. The article describes the main features of the autonomy of the Kalmyk Khanate in the period of the 17th - early 18th centuries: the preservation of the traditional administrative structure, the concentration of administrative, judicial, legislative and fiscal power in the hands of the secular elite, the inheritance of the supreme power in the Torgout dynasty. The paper determines that the new geopolitical status of the Kalmyk Khanate after the second quarter of the 17th century also changed the state policy in relation to it - the system of government of the khanate was unified, political independence was eliminated, the khanate was being integrated into the general imperial administrative and political system. The restrictive policy of Russia in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the government's interference in the hereditary question contributed to the beginning of the political fragmentation of the Khanate in the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s of the 18th century, political crises of the second half of the 18th century, and the crisis of 1771. The material presented in the article makes it possible to highlight general patterns in the political status of the Kalmyk Khanate and Ukraine in the 17-18th centuries.

scholarly journals A «Badge of Honour» or a «Stamp of Infamy»? NATO As A Marker of Status in International Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-85
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov ◽  
I. V. Bolgova ◽  
I. A. Istomin ◽  
A. P. Sokolov
Keyword(s):  
International System ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Social Constructs ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Benefits And Costs

The symbolic significance of membership in NATO is widely recognized by Russian and foreign experts. However, attempts to systematically assess its role as a marker of the political status has not been made. This article intends to fill this gap, considering not only positive, but also negative consequences of symbolic capital associated with the NATO membership. In order to determine the possible contradictions, benefits and costs for states from participating in the alliance, the authors examined the record of its three participants – France, Germany and Turkey. The comparison of these three cases enables to trace various status consequences of participation in a bloc for players whose material capacities and overall symbolic capital in the international system undergo different transitions. The theoretical literature and empirical record of the selected NATO members confirm that states compete in the international system for highly differentiated symbolic capital embodying various kinds of recognition. Status markers are complex social constructs, combining various political meanings. Meanwhile, states are not always able to control which types of social recognition will be activated by their inclusion in particular institutions. Despite the fact, that they may be interested only in some of the meanings associated with a status marker, they are compelled to take into account its other political connotations. As a result, NATO membership could bear for states a range of various social consequences. This could lead to a situation when several of them are equally relevant for the same actor, but some contain positive value, while others are assessed negatively. In addition, actors could face a contradiction between the status and practical consequences of participation in the alliance.

scholarly journals Constitutionality and the right to self-determination of the Bosniaks as a basis for resolving the status of Sandžak

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Harun Hadžić
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Serbia And Montenegro ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Multiethnic States ◽  
The Right

In this paper, by using international documents, the author addresses the issue of resolving the political status of the Bosniaks in Sandžak, i.e. in Serbia and Montenegro. He emphasizes the methods of regulation of ethnic relations through mechanisms of eliminating differences, i.e. mechanisms of managing the differences that exist in modern sovereign multiethnic states. Explains the basic terms - autochthony, constitutivity and constitutionality, and thoroughly analyzes the principle of the right to self-determination and the right to autonomy, in the context of resolving the so-called status of indigenous peoples.

scholarly journals A STRATEGIC INTERACTION GAME OF POLITICAL RIGHTS: A CASE STUDY OF GILGIT-BALTISTAN, PAKISTAN

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-17
Author(s):  
Saranjam Baig ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Jan Alam
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Sequential Game ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Gilgit Baltistan

Using a simple sequential game, this article aims at exploring the outcome of the political interactions of various strategic players related to the political status of GilgitBaltistan. A political system that comes into existence after the strategic interactions of different players is defined to be an outcome for the purpose of our analysis. To discuss the constitutional limbo in Gilgit-Baltistan, the article identifies four strategic players: the federal government, the provincial, the Shia Muslims in Gilgit-Baltistan, and the Sunni Muslims in Gilgit-Baltistan. Their strategies, preferences, and payoffs have been highlighted. The simple sequential game has an outcome of “status-quo, which is in harmony with the existing political status of the region. The status-quo of the region will continue until the players decide to play different strategies. The outcome will tilt in the favor of the player with most political influence.

scholarly journals The Russian-speaking population of Latvia in the modern period: correlation of status with local state historical politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-77
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Zverev
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
Local State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socio Economic Status ◽  
Political Status ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
First Time

The article considers the change in the status of the Russian-speaking population of Latvia in conjunction with the local memory policy. In this work, we were able to analyse a significant number of legislative sources of the Republic of Latvia, including in the Latvian language, and to reveal cause-and-effect relationships in decision-making regarding national minorities. Based on the highlighted legislative material (some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time), as well as the works of Latvian authors, we traced changes in the political and socio-economic status of the Russian-speaking population of Latvia during the 1990s - 2000s. We can state that the local state-historical policy is directly related to state integration measures and it was the ideological platform for discriminatory legislation in relation to national minorities. Nevertheless, the Russian-speaking population found itself in unfavourable conditions, a sharply reduced socio-economic and political status, managed to consolidate and adapt to the conditions of independent Latvia, taking its niche in all spheres of social society.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

Political risks of recovering and discovering meanings in the collective memory of a perverse religious organisation

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
Eduardo Acuña Aguirre
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Influences ◽  
Conversion Event ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
The Catholic Church

This article refers to the political risks that a group of five parishioners, members of an aristocratic Catholic parish located in Santiago, Chile, had to face when they recovered and discovered unconscious meanings about the hard and persistent psychological and sexual abuse they suffered in that religious organisation. Recovering and discovering meanings, from the collective memory of that parish, was a sort of conversion event in the five parishioners that determined their decision to bring to the surface of Chilean society the knowledge that the parish, led by the priest Fernando Karadima, functioned as a perverse organisation. That determination implied that the five individuals had to struggle against powerful forces in society, including the dominant Catholic Church in Chile and the political influences from the conservative Catholic elite that attempted to ignore the existence of the abuses that were denounced. The result of this article explains how the five parishioners, through their concerted political actions and courage, forced the Catholic Church to recognise, in an ambivalent way, the abuses committed by Karadima. The theoretical basis of this presentation is based on a socioanalytical approach that mainly considers the understanding of perversion in organisations and their consequences in the control of anxieties.

‘Ill Used by our Government’: The Darien Venture, King William and the Development of Opposition Politics in Scotland, 1695–1701

2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
New World ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Press ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Political Factions

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.

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