scholarly journals A «Badge of Honour» or a «Stamp of Infamy»? NATO As A Marker of Status in International Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-85
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov ◽  
I. V. Bolgova ◽  
I. A. Istomin ◽  
A. P. Sokolov
Keyword(s):  
International System ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Social Constructs ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Benefits And Costs

The symbolic significance of membership in NATO is widely recognized by Russian and foreign experts. However, attempts to systematically assess its role as a marker of the political status has not been made. This article intends to fill this gap, considering not only positive, but also negative consequences of symbolic capital associated with the NATO membership. In order to determine the possible contradictions, benefits and costs for states from participating in the alliance, the authors examined the record of its three participants – France, Germany and Turkey. The comparison of these three cases enables to trace various status consequences of participation in a bloc for players whose material capacities and overall symbolic capital in the international system undergo different transitions. The theoretical literature and empirical record of the selected NATO members confirm that states compete in the international system for highly differentiated symbolic capital embodying various kinds of recognition. Status markers are complex social constructs, combining various political meanings. Meanwhile, states are not always able to control which types of social recognition will be activated by their inclusion in particular institutions. Despite the fact, that they may be interested only in some of the meanings associated with a status marker, they are compelled to take into account its other political connotations. As a result, NATO membership could bear for states a range of various social consequences. This could lead to a situation when several of them are equally relevant for the same actor, but some contain positive value, while others are assessed negatively. In addition, actors could face a contradiction between the status and practical consequences of participation in the alliance.

O heterogenicznym statusie filmu politycznego

1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (297) ◽  
pp. 100-125
Author(s):  
Kamil Minkner
Keyword(s):  
Social Communication ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Stuart Hall ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Film

The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film’s political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.

scholarly journals The Dilemma of the Optimal Condition: an Exploration of the Strategic and Social Consequences of the Organizational Change Imperative

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Paul D. Nugent ◽  
Richard Montague ◽  
Emilio Collar
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Change ◽  
Optimal Condition ◽  
Organization Theory ◽  
Social Impacts ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Real Potential ◽  
The Real

This paper explores the implications of change dilemma. The importance of the this topic lies in everyday’s need for organizations to change to survive or thrive yet there is no monolithic or simple thory that explains or prescribes organizational change. There are objective and subjective problems of the optimal condition . This paper discusses the political and sociological problems pertaining to the assumption of an objective optimal condition. We frame the real potential for this condition and its positive and negative strategic and social impacts from an Organization Theory (OT) perspective. Further, an aricle discusses positive and negative consequences of the bias towards change.

International Law and Peaceful Change

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Welsh
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International System ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Recognition ◽  
The Status ◽  
Constructivist Perspective ◽  
The Law ◽  
Key Resources

This chapter argues for and adopts a constructivist perspective on international law as closely interrelated with international politics and as having regulative, constitutive, and permissive effects. It begins by illustrating how rules that have the status of law are not simply functional solutions to dilemmas of cooperation among states, but also expressions of prevailing conceptions of legitimate action and key resources for practices of justification and legitimation. The chapter then examines law’s role in effecting change—both in the practices and patterns of relations among the key units of the international system (sovereign states) through the law prohibiting the use of force, and in the number of those units over time through the law relating to state recognition. The chapter shows that while international law has made significant contributions to peaceful change—particularly through the gradual delegitimization of wars of conquest and territorial aggrandizement—its understanding of self-determination and its stance toward civil conflict have also helped to preserve a system of states that assumes both the political and territorial legitimacy of sovereign units. In short, international law can also be a force for peaceful, and not so peaceful, continuity.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE KALMYK KHANA IN RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER V. TSYURUMOV ◽  
◽  
ANDREY A. KURAPOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article is devoted to the study of one of the most important problems of modern historical science - the history of the formation of the Russian multinational state. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the state and political statuses of the national autonomies of Russia - the Kalmyk Khanate and the Hetman's Ukraine. The statehood of the Kalmyk nomads arose after their entry into the Russian state in the first half of the 17th century. It is shown that the nature of the Russian-Kalmyk relations during this period makes it possible to define them as a protectorate of Russia over the Kalmyk uluses. The article examines the formation of the Russian-Kalmyk interaction, the evolution of the status, territorial framework and geopolitical position of the Kalmyk Khanate. At the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century. After the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz migrated to Emba, the Kalmyk lands partially lost their border status and began to increasingly resemble the inner territory of the Russian Empire. A gradual transformation of political autonomy into administrative one begins. The article describes the main features of the autonomy of the Kalmyk Khanate in the period of the 17th - early 18th centuries: the preservation of the traditional administrative structure, the concentration of administrative, judicial, legislative and fiscal power in the hands of the secular elite, the inheritance of the supreme power in the Torgout dynasty. The paper determines that the new geopolitical status of the Kalmyk Khanate after the second quarter of the 17th century also changed the state policy in relation to it - the system of government of the khanate was unified, political independence was eliminated, the khanate was being integrated into the general imperial administrative and political system. The restrictive policy of Russia in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the government's interference in the hereditary question contributed to the beginning of the political fragmentation of the Khanate in the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s of the 18th century, political crises of the second half of the 18th century, and the crisis of 1771. The material presented in the article makes it possible to highlight general patterns in the political status of the Kalmyk Khanate and Ukraine in the 17-18th centuries.

scholarly journals Contestando a “Ciência Social Norte-Americana”: críticas à postura conservadora das teorias do mainstream das Relações Internacionais / Disputing the "American Social Science": critical to conservative stance of the mainstream theories of IR

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-480
Author(s):  
Hermes Moreira Jr.
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
Academic Discipline ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status

A concepção de uma disciplina acadêmica sistematizada para o estudo das relações internacionais se deu atrelada à necessidade de criação de um arcabouço teórico para a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema internacional e das possibilidades de mudança ou estabilidade da ordem política nesse sistema. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste texto é demonstrar em que medida as teorias do chamado mainstream acadêmico, tradicionais na análise da política internacional, ao naturalizar a conformação da ordem política internacional e minimizar o papel das disputas entre as forças sociais na constituição das relações internacionais, exercem um papel favorável à manutenção da ordem hegemônica e conservação do status quo. Não obstante, perspectivas contestatórias reconheceram e evidenciaram os limites das teorias do mainstream e preencheram a lacuna político-acadêmica contida nas teorias tradicionais de Relações Internacionais ao longo do desenvolvimento de seu campo acadêmico e institucional. Abstract: The design of an academic discipline for the systematic study of international relations occurred tied to the need to establish a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the international system and the possibilities for change or stability of the political order in this system. Accordingly, this paper aims to demonstrate the extent to which the so-called mainstream academic theories, traditional analysis of international politics, to naturalize the conformation of the international political order and minimize the role of the disputes between the social forces in the constitution of international relations, play a role in favor of maintaining the hegemonic order and preserving the status quo. Nevertheless, prospects contesting recognized and showed the limits of the mainstream theories and filled the political and academic gap contained in traditional theories of international relations during the development of their academic and institutional concepts. 

O heterogenicznym statusie filmu politycznego

1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (297) ◽  
pp. 100-125
Author(s):  
Kamil Minkner
Keyword(s):  
Social Communication ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Stuart Hall ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Film

The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film’s political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.

scholarly journals Constitutionality and the right to self-determination of the Bosniaks as a basis for resolving the status of Sandžak

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Harun Hadžić
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Serbia And Montenegro ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Multiethnic States ◽  
The Right

In this paper, by using international documents, the author addresses the issue of resolving the political status of the Bosniaks in Sandžak, i.e. in Serbia and Montenegro. He emphasizes the methods of regulation of ethnic relations through mechanisms of eliminating differences, i.e. mechanisms of managing the differences that exist in modern sovereign multiethnic states. Explains the basic terms - autochthony, constitutivity and constitutionality, and thoroughly analyzes the principle of the right to self-determination and the right to autonomy, in the context of resolving the so-called status of indigenous peoples.

scholarly journals A STRATEGIC INTERACTION GAME OF POLITICAL RIGHTS: A CASE STUDY OF GILGIT-BALTISTAN, PAKISTAN

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-17
Author(s):  
Saranjam Baig ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Jan Alam
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Sequential Game ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Gilgit Baltistan

Using a simple sequential game, this article aims at exploring the outcome of the political interactions of various strategic players related to the political status of GilgitBaltistan. A political system that comes into existence after the strategic interactions of different players is defined to be an outcome for the purpose of our analysis. To discuss the constitutional limbo in Gilgit-Baltistan, the article identifies four strategic players: the federal government, the provincial, the Shia Muslims in Gilgit-Baltistan, and the Sunni Muslims in Gilgit-Baltistan. Their strategies, preferences, and payoffs have been highlighted. The simple sequential game has an outcome of “status-quo, which is in harmony with the existing political status of the region. The status-quo of the region will continue until the players decide to play different strategies. The outcome will tilt in the favor of the player with most political influence.

L'engagement des intellectuels dans la France des années trente : entre culture et politique

Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Philippe Bradfer
Keyword(s):  
Social Recognition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intellectual Activity ◽  
Political Role ◽  
A Value ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Value Crisis ◽  
Cultural Data

Because of the extent and evidence of political participation of intellectuals in France of the thirties, the latter may be considered as full actors of the political life and debates of these years.  The historical circumstances are however not sufficient to explain the political role they then assumed. More precisely, the article is intended to show that in order to explain the peculiarity of the phenomenon, one must necessarily turn to the cultural data, i.e. the set of values and representations that found the social recognition of intellectuals in France and that account for the believe according to which those who, because of their intellectual activity, arenotorious, have an authorized opinion on political matters.  In this perspective, one may conclude that the commitment of intellectuals in France of the thirties may not be reduced to a political fact. It also constitutes a cultural fact, resulting from the combination of a value crisis and the system of political attitudes attached, in this country, to the status of intellectuals.

scholarly journals Political Responsibility of the Deputy of the Regional Parliament in the Russian Federation

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Ruslan F. Garipov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Russian Regions ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Object Of Study ◽  
Political Norms

This work studies the distinctive features of political responsibility of regional deputies representing the interests of various electoral groups. The status of a regional parliament deputy in Russian regions is characterized in two ways. It is regulated not only by laws and ethical norms, but also by political guidelines. Regional deputies are held legally accountable for violating laws, and by straying from party or state guidelines, they risk being held politically accountable. This is why the object of study of this article is the negative consequences that regional deputies suffer as a result of the political practices in Russian regions. In 2016-2019, there was an expansion of legal grounds that affect termination of deputy duties. Deputies are frequently limited in their rights to address other participants of regional politics. In some cases, artificial barriers are created to interfere with the work of regional deputies. These limitations are political in nature, and thus have a vague definition in law. Because of that, the author pays special attention to the political norms that, if violated, result in special negative consequences for regional deputies, including their inability to perform their parliamentary duties.

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