scholarly journals Criminal Law Enforement Towards Journalists That Spread False News

Ius Poenale ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
Rizky Efriliandis
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Analysis Data ◽  
Legal Liability ◽  
Scientific Publications ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
False News

The press in performing its functions can not be separated from all acts of fraud and irregularities committed by the subjects of the press both the public, the press (journalists, media, press council, etc.), even the government. Criminal law has two main elements namely, the first is the existence of a norm, which is a prohibition or order (rule). Second, the existence of sanctions for violations of the norm in the form of threats with criminal law. This research aims: 1) to analyze criminal law enforcement against journalists who make the wrong coverage. 2) To analyze the legal liability system for journalists who make the wrong coverage. 3) To analyze the efforts that can be taken due to wrong press reporting. the research method used is qualitative analysis, data sources obtained through interviews, observations, documentation and literature relating to the title of the study. If the elements of crime committed by journalists are fulfilled egal liability mechanism for journalists who make the wrong reporting, then the legal liability is resolved through the mechanism of the Press Law by referring to the Press Council as the party authorized by law. Enforcement of criminal law against journalists who make scientific publications are based on journalists that have violated provisions which are guidelines for writing news an caused impact on parties who are disadvantaged by the publication. Efforts that can be taken as a result of wrong press reporting can be done by making complaints at the Press Council which will resolve public complaints on cases related to press reporting to immediately revoke, rectify, and correct false and inaccurate news accompanied by an apology to the reader, listener, and or viewer.There is an urgency for control by the Head of Newspapers in applying the journalistic code of ethics to journalists is carried out continuously. Moreover, the journalistic code of ethics needs to be a guideline for conducting news breeding. To the public, they should not hesitate to report to the Press Council if there is false publication of the news.

Analisis Penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik Pada Pemberitaan Pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com

Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Wiwin Fitriyani ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi
Keyword(s):  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
News Reporting ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Reports ◽  
Quantitative Content ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Right ◽  
Included Article

Freedom of the Press is the right to express, disseminate ideas, organize, and so forth. Freedom of the Press is based on the provisions made by the Press Council called the Journalistic Code of Ethics. The Journalistic Code of Ethics is the professional ethics of journalists. As the party that disseminates information to the public, journalists need to practice the provisions of the Journalistic Code of Ethics which consists of 11 articles, because various news reports that journalists report should have an impact on society. Then, one of the news that received more attention from the public, namely regarding the relocation of the Indonesian capital. At that time, the news received various responses from various parties. Therefore, various media are aggressively producing news related to this, such as Liputan6.com. In this study, the Journalistic Code of Ethics analyzed with the news included article 1, 2, and 3. The purpose of this study was to determine the application of the Journalistic Code of Ethics in reporting the removal of the Indonesian Capital City on Liputan6.com. Theories used include news reporting and the Journalistic Code of Ethics. Then, for the research method used, namely quantitative content analysis using coding sheets to process, and analyze the data. The results of this study indicate Liputan6.com has implemented a Journalistic Code of Ethics, although of the 55 news samples there are still 19 news that do not meet the element of balance.Kebebasan pers merupakan hak untuk berekspresi, menyebarluaskan gagasan, dan berorganisasi. Kebebasan pers dilandasi oleh ketentuan yang dibuat Dewan Pers yang disebut Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Kode Etik Jurnalistik adalah etika profesi wartawan. Sebagai pihak yang menyebarkan informasi kepada khalayak, jurnalis perlu mempraktikan ketentuan Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang terdiri dari 11 pasal. Hal ini karena berbagai berita yang jurnalis laporkan akan memberi dampak pada masyarakat. Salah satu pemberitaan yang mendapatkan perhatian lebih dari masyarakat, yaitu mengenai pemindahan ibu kota Indonesia. Pada saat itu, kabar tersebut mendapatkan berbagai respon dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, berbagai media gencar dalam memproduksi berita terkait hal tersebut, salahsatunya Liputan6.com. Pada penelitian ini, Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang dianalisis dengan pemberitaan tersebut, antara lain pasal 1, 2, dan 3. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mengetahui penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik pada pemberitaan pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com. Teori yang digunakan diantaranya pemberitaan, dan Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai yakni analisis isi kuantitatif dengan memakai lembar codinguntuk mengolah, dan menganalisis datanya. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan Liputan6.com sudah menerapkan Kode Etik Jurnalistik, meskipun dari 55 sampel berita masih terdapat 19 berita yang tidak memenuhi unsur keberimbangan.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals HEALTH COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES EMPLOYED BY THE MEDIA DURING THE COVID-19 CRISIS: CASE OF ZIMBABWE BROADCASTING CORPORATION TELEVISION (ZBC –TV)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley Sarah Muchetwa ◽  
Ephraim Maruta ◽  
Hilda Jaka ◽  
Joyman Ruvado ◽  
Evans Chazireni
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Health Communication ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Analysis Data ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
The Public ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The paper reports findings from a study that explored health communication strategies employed by the media on the state of preparedness by the Zimbabwean government during the COVID 19 crisis by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Television (ZBC-TV). The study adopted secondary data analysis. Data were collected using secondary sources. The study was influenced by the framing theory. The study found out that ZBC-TV used songs, road shows, commercial ads, dramas, musical shows on reporting the pandemic. The archival documents also revealed that ZBC-TV have used periodical updates as health communication strategies to educate the public about COVID 19. ZBC-TV also used Facebook showing staff from the Office of the President and Cabinet receiving the Covid 19 vaccine at the same time applauding positive response from Harare Metropolitan Province as front line workers surpassed the target under the first phase of Covid-19 vaccine roll out plan. The study concluded that the health communication strategies employed by ZBC-TV have been effective in increasing the societal awareness about health issues. ZBC-TV managed to reach out to the masses using both the television and by making use of the new media communication technologies. However, press censorship has been a challenge in publishing information concerning COVID 19 as the media house is not allowed to publish anything that tarnishes the image of the government. It is based on such evidence that the study concludes that ZBC-TV at some point distorted information to paint the picture that the government is doing all it can to contain the spread of COVID 19 and ensuring the safety of the public. The study recommends that the ministry should ensure freedom of information publicity, in which media houses, including ZBC-TV is not controlled by any political party of government. The government should also privatise ZBC-TV so that it will be answerable to the public and not few government officials. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0895/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

scholarly journals Mengawal Anggota Legislatif Mewujudkan Pemerintahan yang Bersih*

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 634
Author(s):  
M Muslih
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Election Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legislative Body ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Professional Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Legislative Election

Legislative members are partners as well as balancing the government in regulating and controlling the government, therefore it is necessary to have a "presence" of honest and clean professional legislators. Reality shows that the professionalism of some legislators still disappoints some of their constituents. For this reason, it is necessary to think about how to escort members of the legislative body in order to realize a clean government. To meet these expectations an election process is needed that can guarantee the implementation of an honest and fair election process. In order to realize the ideal above, the presence of a good legislative Election Law, a professional law enforcement apparatus, and a culture of high legal awareness from the public in exercising their voting rights.

scholarly journals Freedom and The Role of The Press on Law Enforcement Reviewed in The Perspective of Law Number: 40 Of 1999, Concerning The Press

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Satino Satino ◽  
Yuliana Yuli W ◽  
Iswahyuni Adil
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Good Life ◽  
Public Information ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Republic

Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the Press is one of the legal regulations that have a role in efforts to realize a good life together. The struggle of the Indonesian press to achieve freedom was finally achieved after the enactment of Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the Press. The purpose of this study is to find out how the freedom and role of the press in law enforcement are reviewed from the perspective of Law Number 40 of 1999, concerning the press. This study uses a sociological juridical method, the results of research conducted on real facts in society with the intent and purpose of finding facts, then proceeding with finding problems, ultimately leading to problem identification and leading to problem solving. The results of the research include the press trying to carry out its functions, rights, obligations, and roles, so the press must respect the human rights of everyone. The press has an important role in realizing Human Rights (HAM), as guaranteed in the Decree of the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesia Number: XVII/MPR/1998. Based on the results of the research above, it is necessary to uphold the freedom of the press in conveying public information in an honest and balanced manner and that freedom of the press is not absolute for the press alone, but to guarantee the rights of the public to obtain information. what happened in the context of realizing press freedom as contained in Law/040/1999 concerning the Press.

Governmental Regulation of the Press: A Study of Israels Press Ordinance

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pnina Lahav
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
National Union ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Governmental Regulation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
Distinctive Role

Israel's press plays a distinctive role in the country's political structure. Comprised of 27 dailies and 135 magazines, some with distinctive partisan affiliation and others committed to political neutrality, it has wide circulation and enjoys considerable political influence.Israeli newspapers were not always as independent as they are today. During the struggle for liberation, the press placed itself at the disposal of theYishuv(Jewish community) leadership, to be used as a political tool for promoting the objectives of the Jewish population in Palestine. Only in the fifties, after the establishment of the sovereign state of Israel, did the press begin to develop consciousness of its distinct and autonomous role in the political process.Several institutions founded by the press itself have moulded it into a politically viable establishment: the Editors' Committee, the Press Council, the National Union of Journalists and the Union of the Daily Papers. The Editors' Committee is the most powerful and long standing of the four. Organised in 1948 by the chief editors of the Hebrew dailies, it functions as an intermediary between the Government and the public in matters concerning important policy decisions.

scholarly journals Etika Menulis dengan Cahaya

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 209
Author(s):  
Agus Toto Widyatmoko
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media

Abstract :The mass media had great influence in conveying a message against their common. The values of the message was set out in the text and images are presented by the media. The message may contain meaning positive and inspiring in describing events, so that is not interfere psychological of audience.  In the context of photojournalism, the expression that the power of the image can be far beyond the message conveyed through text. Because the meaning of the message, the essence of photojournalism must pay attention to the rules of journalism were set in the Press Law and the Code of Ethics of Journalism. An understanding of the ethics of photojournalism is not only for internal media, but also to a audience. Thus, the public can judge the mindset of media displaying photographic work does pay attention to aesthetic aspects or ignore the rules of journalism. Keywords: Photojournalism, Press Law, the Code of Ethics Journalism, the Power of Image

Corruption and the Public Service Ethos in Mid-Victorian Administration: The Case of Leonard Horner and the Factory Office*

2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (575) ◽  
pp. 860-891
Author(s):  
Ian Cawood
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Public ◽  
Victorian Britain ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Changing Attitudes

Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.

scholarly journals The Civic Duty to Report Crime and Corruption

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candice Delmas
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The State ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
Civic Duty ◽  
The Public ◽  
Corrupt Activity ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Scope

Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s law enforcement efforts. The resulting duty is triply general in that it applies to everyone, everywhere, and covers all criminal and corrupt activity. In this paper, I challenge the general scope of this argument. I argue that that the civic duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities is much narrower than the government claims and people might think, for it only arises when the state (i) condemns genuine wrongdoing and serious ethical offenses as “crime” and “corruption,” and (ii) constitutes a dependable “disclosure recipient,” showing the will and power to hold wrongdoers accountable. I further defend a robust duty to directly report to the public—one that is weightier and wider than people usually assume. When condition (ii) fails to obtain, I submit, citizens are released of the duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities, but are bound to report to the public, even when the denunciation targets the government and is risky or illegal.

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