scholarly journals Le Média – A Populist Critique of Journalists and the Media by Journalists

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 628-651
Author(s):  
Cédric Tant

ABSTRACT – This paper aims to question the critique of journalists and the media by Le Média, a French press body close to a populist party (La France insoumise), which means regularly opposing “the people” and “the elites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). Through a methodology inspired by the sociolinguistics of Gee (2014) and by the concept of “social goods”, the results bring to light: a metajournalistic critique based on the opposition between “the people” and “the elites”, a desire to delegitimize legacy media and the wish to make journalism a “social good” in the service of “the people”. RÉSUMÉ – Cette recherche vise à interroger la critique des journalistes et des médias par Le Média, un organe de presse français proche d’un parti populiste (La France insoumise), c’est-à-dire qui met régulièrement en avant l’opposition entre le “peuple” et les “élites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). Plus particulièrement, à travers une méthodologie inspirée de la sociolinguistique de Gee (2014) et notamment du concept de “social goods”, ce travail met au jour une critique métajournalistique, basée sur l’opposition entre le peuple et les élites, qui, tout en délégitimant les médias traditionnels, pose le journalisme en véritable “bien social” au service du peuple. RESUMO – Esta pesquisa busca questionar a crítica sobre os jornalistas e a mídia feitas por Le Média, um veículo da imprensa francesa próximo a um partido populista (La France insoumise), ou seja, que destaca regularmente a oposição entre o “povo” e as “elites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). De forma mais específica, por meio de uma metodologia inspirada na sociolinguística de Gee (2014) e, particularmente, no conceito de “social goods”, a pesquisa atualiza uma crítica metajornalística, baseada na oposição entre povo e elites, que, ao mesmo em que deslegitimam as mídias tradicionais, definem o jornalismo como um verdadeiro “bem social” a serviço do povo. RESUMEN – Este estudio tiene como objetivo interrogar la critica de los periodistas y de los medios por Le Média, una entidad de prensa francesa cercana al partido populista (La France insoumise), es decir que destaca a menudo la oposición entre el “pueblo” y las “elites” (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; De Cleen, 2019). Y más específicamente, a través de una metodología inspirada de la sociolingüística de Gee (2014) y del concepto de “social goods” que pone al dia una critica metaperiodista, basado en la oposición entre el pueblo y las élites que, al tiempo que deslegitima los medios tradicionales, plantea al periodismo como un verdadero “social good” al servicio del pueblo.

DeKaVe ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akbar Annasher

Broadly speaking, this paper discusses the phenomenon of murals that are now spread in Yogyakarta Special Region, especially the city of Yogyakarta. Mural painting is an art with a media wall that has the elements of communication, so the mural is also referred to as the art of visual communication. Media is a media wall closest to the community, because the distance between the media with the audience is not limited by anything, direct and open, so the mural is often used as media to convey ideas, the idea of ??community, also called the media the voice of the people. Location of mural art in situations of public spatial proved inviting the owners of capital to use such means, in this case is the mural. Manufacturers of various products began racing the race to put on this wall media, as time goes by without realizing the essence of the actual mural art was forced to turn to the commercial essence, the only benefit some parties only, the power of public spaces gradually occupied by the owners of capital, they hopes that the community can view the contents of messages and can obtain information for the products offered. it brings motivation and cognitive and affective simultaneously in the community.Keywords: Mural, Public Space, and Society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Urtak Hamiti

Barbaric, savage, horrific-these were terms to define the decision of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to murder its captured Jordanian pilot by burning him alive inspired a thesaurus of horror and revulsion. The men who did it, the perpetrators were described by the media as mad men, thugs, monsters. To most of the people, the act itself seemed inexplicable and without sense. However, behind the choreographed and videotaped violence lies a calculated horrible cold logic. Although, ISIS is often portrait as a mighty force on the ground in Syria and Iraq, facts state that they control mainly communications between various provinces in both countries, and, as most guerrilla armies, are militarily weak by conventional measure. ISIS has little or almost none defense against the bombing campaign that is facing now, while US has formed a coalition that is confronting them on the ground as well, after President Barack Obama published the “New Security Doctrine” which includes degrading and finally destroying ISIS. ISIS, however, have proven to be very organized in promoting dramatic acts of violence against their enemies and promoting them two achieve two goals: use terror tactics as a psychological weapon against all those facing them and all those that are to face them in combat. Secondly, through usage of social network platforms to promote killings and executions, the aim of ISIS is to encourage recruits from out of Syria and Iraq, and elsewhere, to join them in their cause. Online operations of ISIS fall under a production group called the Al Hayat Media Center. The Center was created to seduce Westerners into joining the ranks of ISIS and also to distribute propaganda through social and media platforms. It is difficult to assess the success of this operation, but solid sources provided by US military and intelligence estimate that at least 300 Americans are fighting in the ranks of ISIS (at least two Americans have been killed fighting for ISIS in Iraq/Syria region) while the number of Europeans is in thousands. The US Response to this psychological kind of warfare came when President Barack Obama established the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) aiming to combat terrorist propaganda. The main strategy of CSCC is not directly to confront ISIS operatives, but rather than that to deal with the people they are trying to recruit. Now, with almost entire international public opinion on their side, it is time for US to more actively respond to ISIS especially in the manner of psychological warfare since it is obvious that operations of “winning hearts and minds” of people in Iraq and Syria are not enough compared to ruthless tactics of ISIS which “winning hearts and minds” by brute force, terror, and vivid violent images. The online propaganda war is a new component to conflicts of 21st century that allows enemies to reach one another’s home fronts directly. ISIS might seem not so strong on the ground but it has captured one fundamental flaw of the media of 21st century-the one that bad news is always good news and that televised violence will always have an audience. ISIS has proclaimed that its goal is to create a caliphate of 21st century but its psychological warfare and propaganda is inspiring individuals throughout the West to commit horrible terrorist crimes. Could this be another mind game set up by ISIS, it remains to be seen. However one thing is for certain, US and its allies must tackle ISIS not only by planes and other military means, but also by a strategy that would eliminate its influence in spreading their propaganda.


Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

This chapter discusses the concept of populism in greater detail and also describes how party systems are measured and classified. Rather than conceive of populism as a type of thin political ideology, this book understands populism as a distinctively personalistic type of political movement or organization in which charismatic leaders look to directly mobilize mass constituencies through the media and other means. The chapter next distinguishes between programmatic, patronage, and populist party systems, based on which type of party is most common. Finally, the chapter provides a quantitative analysis of the consequences of populist electoral success for democracy across a number of indicators. It shows that populist rule has generally negative consequences for the functioning of liberal democracy, which makes the effort to understand populist electoral success all the more pressing.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199133
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha

With the surge of populism in Europe, public service broadcasting has come under increased pressure. The established media are considered part of the corrupt elite not serving the interests of the people. The public service media, for which pluralism is at the core of their remit, are a particular thorn in the side of the populists. Therefore, they attack the financial basis of public service, which is supposed to guarantee their independence. The populist attacks on the traditional broadcasting corporations meet with the interests of neoliberal politics and of those political actors who want to evade public scrutiny and democratic control and do no longer feel committed to democratic accountability. The assaults on the public service media are thus an assault on freedom of the media and further increase the pressure on the democratic system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nayla Fawzi

A common feature among populist parties and movements is their negative perspective on the media’s role in society. This paper analyzes whether citizens with a populist worldview also hold negative attitudes toward the media. From a theoretical point of view, the paper shows that both the anti-elite, anti-outgroup and people centrism dimension of populism contradicts the normative expectations toward the media. For instance, the assumption of a homogeneous people and the exclusion of a societal outgroup is incompatible with a pluralistic media coverage. The results of a representative survey in Germany predominantly confirmed a relation between a populist worldview and negative media attitudes. However, the three populism dimensions influenced the evaluations not in a consistent way. A systematic relation could only be found for antielite populism, which is negatively associated with all analyzed media evaluations such as media trust or satisfaction with the media’s performance. This indicates that in a populist worldview, the media are perceived as part of a detached elite that neglects the citizens’ interests. However, the results confirm the assumption of a natural ally between populism and tabloid or commercial media. Individuals with people centrist and anti-outgroup attitudes have higher trust in these media outlets.


2021 ◽  
pp. 348-363
Author(s):  
S. Denysov ◽  
Yu. Filei

The article examines the issue of combating criminal offenses in the field of economics. It is emphasized that economic crime is caused by destructive tendencies in the development of market relations in the economy and social sphere. Lack of real protection of legitimate economic relations, lag of law-making activity from the needs of economic practice, unsystematic adoption of legal acts concerning certain elements of the economic system. Recently, there has been a process of merging economic and criminal offenses, as well as merging with organized crime. Penetrating into various spheres of the economy, criminal associations seek not only to establish control over the activities of specific enterprises but also to create their own structures capable of occupying a leading position in the infrastructure of individual industries. The intellectual level of criminal activity increases, the scope, and methods of encroachment expand. The reasons for committing mercenary crimes in the economic sphere are both objective and subjective. Thus, in the determination of crime involved both biological and social characteristics of man. An economic criminal does not perceive himself as a criminal, although he admits that he is breaking the law. The problem here is that the media is very one-sided coverage of the image of the traditional criminal, as well as the fact that economically criminal behavior is difficult at first glance to distinguish from socially obedient. Economic criminals justify their crimes by committing them with the tacit consent or approval of public opinion. They deny causing harm to citizens, and also claim that almost all businessmen do the same. If the profit significantly exceeds the possible punishment, then such a crime becomes profitable. Criminal behavior should not be economically or socially profitable. At the same time, it is important to improve the economic and social living conditions of the people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-176
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yunus Patawari

Mass media is one of the leading sectors in handling COVID-19. Amidst current health emergency, public trusttowards the information conveyed by the mass media is the key to successful mitigation. Various types of newsregarding massive COVID-19 reports in several media channels have the potential to cause information bias whichends in pros and cons. Insubstantial debates in varied media are counter-productive to the efforts of various partiesin educating the society to avoid misinformation. Based on this, it is important to know the media that are referencesand that gain public trust in seeking information. This study examines the level of public trust in information aboutCOVID-19 in the mass media, both old and new media, using an online questionnaire methodology on May 3, 2020,which was given to 60 respondents. The results show that the respondents’ level of faith in television is higher, but itsconsumption by viewers is much lower than that of online media (news sites and social media). The results showedthat viewers still deemed television a reliable reference for information. From these data it was found out why themedia are rarely used by the people but are able to gain high trust in the eyes of the public. The results of this studyare expected to provide an overview of the attitudes and behavior of the community in understanding COVID-19information so that relevant parties can make appropriate policies in the perspectives of media and communication.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-64
Author(s):  
Rahmatul Husna Arsyah ◽  
Astri Indah Juwita

Abstract: Nagari Pariangan as the most beautiful tourist village in the world has a place to help the community's economy, increase local revenue (PAD). Local industrial products that have been owned by the community can become souvenirs for visiting tourists. However, in fact Nagari Pariangan does not have the media to promote it. This study aims to analyze the convergence of media in marketing the local industrial handicraft products of the community. This research approach is descriptive qualitative, with data collection methods, namely by means of observation and interviews and literature review. The results of this study reveal that Nagari Pariangan is an area with tourism potential that has become the spotlight of the world, there is a need for a media that helps the community in introducing local Nagari products in order to increase local community income. The main key to convergence is digitization, Nagari Pariangan does not yet have digital media as a forum for supporting community industrial output. Based on the 3C technology dimension (Communication, Compute and Contents), which consists of the IT Industry, Telcom Infrastructure Provides, and the Content Industry. Nagari Pariangan is considered capable of building a digitalized medium, in order to be able to make the economy of the people in areas that have tourism potential much better.     Keywords: convergence; craft produk; media  Abstrak: Nagari Pariangan sebagai desa wisata terindah dunia memiliki wadah untuk membantu perekonomian masyarakat, menambah pendapatan asli daerah (PAD). Hasil Industri lokal yang selama ini dimiliki oleh masyarakat bisa menjadi oleh-oleh bagi wisatawan yang berkunjung. Namun, pada kenyataanya Nagari pariangan belum memiliki media dalam mempromosikannya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan analisis konvergensi media dalam memasarkan produk kerajinan industri lokal masyarakat. Metode penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif, dengan metode pengumpulan data yaitu dengan cara observasi dan wawancara serta kajian literatur. Hasil dari penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa Nagari Pariangan merupakan daerah dengan potensi wisata yang sudah menjadi sorotan dunia, dan perlu adanya sebuah media yang membantu masyarakat dalam memperkenal produk lokal nagari agar bisa menambah pendapatan masyarakat setempat. Kunci utama konvergensi adalah digitalisasi, Nagari Pariangan belum memiliki media digital sebagai wadah dalam mendukung hasil industri masyarakat. Berdasarkan dimensi teknologi 3C (Communication, Compute and Contents), yang terdiri dari IT Industry, Telcom Infrastructure Provides, serta Content Industry. Nagari Pariangan dirasa mampu untuk membangun sebuah media yang digitalisasi, agar mampu menjadikan ekonomi masyarakat di daerah yang memiliki potensi wisata jauh lebih baik.Kata kunci: konvergensi; media; produk kerajinan


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