scholarly journals EFFICIENCY OF POLITICAL RHETORIC IN THE VIEWS OF ALBERT O. HIRSHMAN

Author(s):  
Елена Евгеньевна Михайлова

В русле воззрений американского теоретика Альберта Отто Хиршмана рассмотрены условия эффективности современного политического дискурса, в частности, его риторики, тематики и контекста. Показано, как аргументирует Хиршман три варианта реакционной критики, направленной на действия властей. Первый тезис предостерегает о возможном ухудшении результатов, второй - о напрасности усилий, третий - о высокой цене изменений. Несмотря на конфронтацию и полярные прогнозы реформ, в риторике реакционеров и прогрессистов обнаруживается глубокая взаимосвязь. Свобода как возможность интерпретации, равенство интересов и прогресс - таковы базовые ценности политической риторики. Предпринятый Хиршманом анализ полярных жанров политической риторики наводит на мысль о том, как важно непрерывно повышать уровень споров, иметь открытое пространство для диалога, гибкой критики и выразительных средств аргументации. In line with the views of the American theorist Albert Otto Hirschman, the author considers the conditions for the effectiveness of contemporary political discourse, in particular, its rhetoric, themes and context. It is shown how Hirschman approaches three variants of reactionary criticism aimed at the actions of the authorities. The first thesis warns of a possible deterioration resulting from the changes, the second - claims the futility of efforts, the third - predicts the high cost of changes. Despite confrontation and polarizing predictions of reform, the rhetoric of reactionaries and progressives is deeply intertwined. Freedom as an opportunity for interpretation, equality of interests and progress - these are the basic values of political rhetoric. Hirschman's analysis of the polar genres of political rhetoric suggests how important it is to continuously raise the level of debate, to have an open space for dialogue, flexible criticism, and expressive means of argumentation.

Muzealnictwo ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 123-131
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jagodzińska

The article focuses on museums’ activity that reaches beyond the walls of their premises in the context of a concept of the so-called third place. The third place – as a gathering place which is neither one’s home, i.e. first place, nor workplace, i.e. second place – was described by an American sociologist Ray Oldenburg in 1999 in his book The Great Good Place: Cafes, Coffee Shops, Bookstores, Bars, Hair Salons, and Other Hangouts at the Heart of a Community. Three study cases have been used in the article: Museum Forum (project carried out by the National Museum in Kraków), Bródno Sculpture Park (project co-conducted by the Museum of Modern Art in Warsaw), and the method of work implemented by the Ethnographic Museum in Kraków, including in particular the project Dzikie Planty (Wild “Planty” Park). I discuss assumptions the projects have been based on, how they fit in an overall strategy of the museums, and reasons why they have been undertaken. Finally, I wonder whether having been conducted in a fully accessible public space and conducive to users’ interaction make it justified to categorise them as the third places in the meaning given by Oldenburg. Although Oldenburg’s concept has been regarded by museum theorists as not applicable to museums, I have come to the conclusion that projects conducted by museums in a non-committal context of an open space meet the conditions the third places do.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 218
Author(s):  
Intania Ananda Jonisa ◽  
Susas Rita Loravianti ◽  
Rasmida Rasmida

AbstrakKarya tari yang berjudul “Guriah Limpapeh” terinspirasi dari kehidupan sosial perempuan Minangkabau yang pengkarya amati di sekeliling pengkarya bersikap dan bertingkah laku tidak sesuai dengan etika idealnya perempuan Minangkabau. Dalam aplikasinya menginterpretasikan bergesernya nilai dan etika perempuan hari ini dan mengungkap nilai yang relevan dengan adat dan budaya Minangkabau. Dalam konsep gerak sebagai media utama tari pengkarya mengembangkan gerak yang relevan dengan konsep garapan, selain itu diperkuat dengan menggunakan drum sebagai properti dan setting. Karya ini digarap dalam tiga bahagian yakni pada bagian pertama menginterpretasikan tentang kehidupan dan aktivitas masyarakat di Kecamatan Matur, bahagian kedua menggambarkan perubahan memori pada dahulu dan zaman sekarang, kemudian bahagian ketiga menginterpretasikan bagaimana pola tingkah laku perempuan yang dalam adat Minangkabau yang disebut Simarewan dan Mambang Tali Awan yang menjadi konflik dalam garapan, sedangkan bagian endingnya adalah mengekspresikan idealnya perempuan Minangkabau yang disebut dengan Parampuan. Karya ini diperkuat dengan musik untuk memperkuat suasana, demikian juga elemen-elemen dan artistik lainnya untuk penampilannya memilih ruang terbuka atau outdoor. Kata Kunci: interpretasi, perempuan, adat MinangkabauAbstractThis work of dance entitled  as "Guriah Limpapeh" which is inspired from the social life of Minangkabau women, that the observed around the worker’s attitude and behaved not in accordance with the ideal ethics of Minangkabau women. In its application interpet the shifting values and ethics of women today and reveal values relevant to the customs and culture of Minangkabau. In the concept of motion as the main medium of the dance the developer develops a motion that is relevant to the concept of arable, besides being strengthened by using drums as property and settings. This work is worked on in three parts, namely in the first part of interpreting the life and activities of the community in the mature sub-district, the second part describes the change of memory in the past and present, then the third part interprets how the female behavior patterns in the Minangkabau tradition called simarewan and mambang tali awan  which becomes conflict in claim while the final part is expressing ideally the Minangkabau women who is called parampuan. This work is strengthened by music to strengthen the atmosphere, as well as other artistic and elements for his appearance in choosing open space or outdoor.Keywords: interpretation, women, adat Minangkabau.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.


Author(s):  
G. R. Boynton ◽  
Glenn W. Richardson, Jr.

This chapter is a report about negotiating the boundaries of appropriate political discourse via Twitter. The instance looked at in depth is the communication about the shooting of Representative Giffords in 2011. The first month over 400,000 messages referred to Giffords and substantially more referred to the controversy about the campaign rhetoric of targets and reloading. The authors tracked the communication in 6 ongoing collections of streams of messages and 2 that resulted from the shooting and controversy. One stream was about how “terrorist” was used in characterizing the shooter. The major controversy was about the use of targeting or gun references in campaign rhetoric. Palin released a video using the phrase “blood libel” leading to opposing interpretations of the appropriate use of the term. The authors look in less depth at the controversy in early 2012 about Rush Limbaugh's characterization of a student who testified to a committee of the House of Representatives. That controversy reinforced points found in the communication about the Giffords shooting. It also reminds us that the boundaries of appropriate political rhetoric are continuously negotiated in a free speech society and that there is now a new domain for the negotiation in the new media.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Mebby Suwarna ◽  
G M Saragih ◽  
Soni Pratomo

The purpose of this study is to measure the amount of actual CO2 emissions released by the activity, calculate the amount of CO2 emissions that can be absorbed by green space and determine the amount of green space needs in Telanaipura and Simpang IV Sipin. This research uses qualitative research. The sample of this research is CO2 concentration. The results of CO2 measurements conducted in this study averaged 440,071 ppm on the first day, 436,2791 ppm on the second day, 439,847 ppm on the third day, 420,431 ppm on the fourth day, 439,467 ppm on the fifth day, 435,533 ppm on the second day sixth day and 431,884 ppm on the seventh day. Based on data processing results from Spot 7 Satellite Imagery, the amount of CO2 emissions that can be absorbed by vegetated land cover is 35,621.6 tons / year. Based on the calculation results using BAPPEDA Jambi City the amount of CO2 emissions that can be absorbed by green space is 3,645.6 tons / year. The number of green open space needs in Telanaipura and Simpang IV Sipin sub-districts, Telanaipura sub-district is based on Image Spot 7 data processing and calculations using the green space requirements formula is -62.5 Ha. Where these results mean based on the current situation, still has an excess of 62 hectares of green space. Then based on BAPPEDA Jambi City data the calculation uses the green space requirement formula of -6.4 Ha. Where these results mean based on the current situation, still has an excess of RTH of 6.4 Ha.


2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Victor Coutinho Lage ◽  
Paulo Henrique De Oliveira Chamon

Critical investigations in the field of IR have connected its modes of problematization to a modern discourse on politics. In this paper, we propose to further these interrogations by investigating the role of the under-theorization of ‘periodization’ in reifying too narrow a concept of ‘modernity’ and, therefore, constraining available avenues for interrogating international politics. We proceed through a double problematization. First, we problematize the role played by periodization in the work of Jens Bartelson and Rob Walker, pointing to the pervasiveness—and yet silence over—this practice in two important moves to open space to think beyond modern political discourse. Second, we problematize periodization as a political practice that regulates past, present, and future, highlighting its double role in both reifying specific conceptions of history and the present, and in opening space for thinking about alternative timelines and modernities. We thus argue that periodization can have an important role in breaking through the temporal and historical boundaries limiting our understandings of international politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 20-30
Author(s):  
Grasiella K. Harb ◽  
Youssef M. Serhan

With the rise in the spate of deaths in America and the failure of Trump in containing coronavirus pandemic, the president is losing his hopes of winning the coming presidential election. Amidst Trump’s confusion, Covid-19 becomes a pre-text in his political rhetoric in an attempt to blame China for the pandemic, raise tension between U.S. and Beijing, and regain credibility from the public. Accordingly, the research paper aims to explore how Trump’s outrageous language unveils his ideological hegemony and contributes to the spread of xenophobia towards China. A multidisciplinary qualitative analysis was adopted to analyze one of Trump’s blunt political discourse. The analysis was based on Fairclough and Van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) model, along with Halliday’s Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) Model. The findings of the study are significant in raising the public’s awareness of the manipulative social function of language in enhancing racism and inequality of power between nations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 139-159
Author(s):  
Džemal Špago ◽  
Adi Maslo ◽  
Edina Špago-Ćumurija

While insulting opponents is not something alien to politicians and political campaigns, Donald Trump has added a new dimension to it by making it almost a part of his daily routine. Moreover, his insults are often blatant and outright, rather than subtle and disguised, which sets a new tone to political discourse. The goal of this paper is to establish whether his insults are random rants meant to vent his anger and frustration with his critics and political adversaries, or rather a part of a calculated strategy aimed at political gain. The results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the corpus, which consists of 915 tweets published by Trump over a four-month period, and which was done within the methodological framework of the speech act theory and, in part, cognitive linguistics, show that Trump’s insults are not based on impulsivity and randomness. The results also suggest that, based on the way the illocutionary effect of insulting is achieved, his insults are realized in three distinct patterns: derogatory nicknaming, conventional and indirect insults. The recurring framing of political opponents by means of derogatory nickname-calling, by far the most common type of insults identified in this study, reveals a higher-level agenda on the addressor’s side. His intention is to methodically discredit the targets of his insults in the eyes of the third party, whose role and reaction in this type of political discourse become even more prominent than that of the insulted party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (29) ◽  
pp. 225-248
Author(s):  
Bernardo Sáinz

The constitutionalist parties in Spain have adopted the concept of constitutional patriotism into their political discourse. This assimilation has important consequences in the way they approach nationalist tensions and ethnic conflict. I present a general overview of the oncept of constitutional patriotism and its use in Spanish politics. The first section reviews the origin and formation of constitutional patriotism as a concept. The second section is an analysis of its fundamental characteristics. The third section is an attempt to show the reception and interpretation of constitutional patriotism by the Spanish constitutionalist parties, the debate and criticism that its use has evoked, and some of its implications in dealing with nationalist tensions in the country.


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