scholarly journals AGAMA DAN NEGARA : POLITIK IDENTITAS MENUJU PILPRES 2019

ASKETIK ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agus Saputro

Indonesia is a democratic country in carrying out its government. Elected Indonesian Presidents in a variety of ways, namely elected by parliament, and by direct elections through elections. Religious relations in state life in Indonesia, especially in political activities cannot be separated. Religion and politics share the role of the institution of regulation and maintaining value. In acts of religious politics are often used as vehicles to win political battles or elections. In carrying out political activities, state authority becomes the highest authority. Religion in politics is under the state whose role is to unite state authority with social power.

2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Asmaun Sahlan

<p>Actually there are some people expect the position and role of independent standing kyai do not participate in practical political activities, not contaminated by frenzied and hot politics. The presence of kyai is expected to provide coolness and peace and cool the heat of political flow. Besides, it is also a force of politics and government life in Indonesia. This paper describes the variations and typology of kyai, and the relationship between religion and politics. Kyai uamh join the flow of politics is always suspected by groups that are not in line with it. The independent kyai that is not contaminated by politics is always waiting for the community. The kyai's decision to engage in politics or not is basically meant to build a just and prosperous community.</p><p> </p><p class="Bodytext50" align="left">Sebenarnya ada sebagian masyarakat mengharapkan posisi dan peran kyai berdiri independen tidak ikut dalam kegiatan politik praktis, tidak terkontaminasi oleh hingar-bingar dan panasnya perpolitikan. Kehadiran kyai ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesejukan dan kedamaian serta mendinginkan panasnya arus politik. Selain itu juga menjadi force kehidupan perpolitikan dan pemerintahan di Indonesia. Tulisan ini menjabarkan mengenai variasi dan tipologi kyai, serta hubungan antara agama dan politik. Kyai uamh ikut arus politik selalu dicurigai oleh kelompok yang tidak sejalan dengannya. Adapun kyai independen yang tidak terkontaminasi politik selalu dinantikan masyarakat. Keputusan kyai untuk terlibat politik atau tidak pada dasarnya dimaksudkan untuk membangun umat yang adil dan makmur.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-117
Author(s):  
Dariusz Szpoper

The article is devoted to the Council of State (Gosudarstvenny soviet) of the Russian Empire. The author presents an evolution of the state authority. Over the years of its operation it played the role of institution that advised the emperor on the legislative matters. A very important moment in the history of this institution was 1906, when the authority became the upper house of the Russian parliament. In this article the author presents the structure of the State Council and its staff composition, including participation of Poles and Lithuanians in its work.


1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-96
Author(s):  
Soofia Mumtaz

This book is a collection of nine essays. Except for the last chapter, all the essays were written between 1978 and 1990 and are extentions of an earlier work, Language, Religion, and Politics in North India (Cambridge University Press) published by the author in 1974. Two main arguments constitute the theme of the book. First, that ethnicity and nationalism are social and political constructions of modern conditions rather than reflections of primordial identities. Second, that both these constructions are related to the role of a centralising state. They depend upon the kinds of alliances that are made between the state and the regional or other non-dominant élites. As such, ethnicity and nationalism are seen as the outcome of interactions between the state leadership and the élites from non-dominant ethnic groups, especially the groups on the peripheries of such states.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne B. Ryan

This paper treats the commons and commoning as transformative practices, since they involve democratic self-organisation for the collective management of resources. Commoning is also treated as an expression of social power and the paper considers the relationship of commoning to Wright's transformative logics of symbiotic and interstitial strategies. The role of the state and its capacity to support and promote commoning in interstitial and symbiotic forms is also considered.


2020 ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Melissa M. Lee

This concluding chapter highlights the significance of this book’s theory for scholarship and policy. It addresses the implications that result from the book’s central argument about the underappreciated but sizeable role of foreign subversion and its effects on state authority. Importantly, the argument and evidence presented in the previous chapters push back against the normatively unsustainable notion that more conflict will yield effectively governed states. They also challenge scholars to rethink the European statebuilding experience, the baseline for much of the state development literature, through the lens of subversion. The chapter then discusses the prospects for third parties to improve state authority and close the gap between juridical sovereignty and domestic sovereignty. Although there may be some room for third parties to reduce the incentives for states to cripple the domestic authority of their adversaries, system-level constraints that operate in the post-1945 world suggest that subversion of state authority is likely to remain an attractive weapon of statecraft for the foreseeable future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-1) ◽  
pp. 95-107
Author(s):  
Inna Kruglova ◽  
◽  
Elena Romanova ◽  

This article raises the problem of the constancy of philosophy, science, art, religion, and politics as forms of worldview that characterize the state of post-mythological consciousness. In this regard, two tasks are solved. First, we trace the genesis of worldview forms in German classical thought in the context of substantiating the idea of the historicity of the absolute (G. Hegel and F. Schelling). Second, the question is raised about the specifics of philosophy as a form of thinking. The authors compare classical and nonclassical approaches (A. Badiou) to solving problems, the conclusions, they have made, are the following. In modern theories, there is a blurring and loss of objectivity of philosophical knowledge. Despite this, philosophy is invariably given the role of a way of thinking about its time. The classical claims of philosophy to the universal content of truth are canceled. Based on the analysis of the concept of A. Badiou, the specificity of philosophy is revealed in the ability to quickly arrange science, art, religion and politics – as a way to create an ideal space in which access to the event of truth is provided. In this connection, it is proposed to define this concept as “operational” in relation to the nature of philosophical knowledge. Philosophy as a reflexive ability uses the operative time of our consciousness, which constitutes subjectivity. Destroying the mytho-ritual scheme of the unity of consciousness, philosophy sets the spiritual topos in which a person lives after leaving the myth.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malika Zeghal

A vast literature has been produced since the 1980s on the emergence of Islamist movements in the Middle East. This literature offers different rationales for the emergence of new kinds of foes to the political regimes of the region. Filling the void left by the leftist opposition, the Islamist militants appeared around the 1970s as new political actors. They were expected neither by the state elites, which had initiated earlier modernizing political and social reforms, nor by political scientists who based their research on modernization-theory hypotheses. The former thought that their reform policies toward the religious institution would reinforce their control of the religious sphere, and the latter expected that secularization would accompany the modernization of society. The surprise brought by this new political phenomenon pushed observers to focus mainly on the Islamists and to overlook the role of the ulema, the specialists of the Islamic law, who were considered entirely submitted to the state.


Author(s):  
Jeff Haynes

This chapter explores the relationship between religion and politics. It first defines the concept of religion before discussing its contemporary political and social salience in many developing countries. It then considers how religion interacts with politics and with the state in the developing world, as well as how religion is involved in democratization in the developing world by focusing on the Arab Spring and its aftermath. It also examines the differing impacts of the so-called Islamic State and Pope Francis on the relationship between religion and politics in the developing world. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the role of religion in international politics after 9/11.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-130
Author(s):  
Daniel Solescu

Abstract Globalization has raised the issue of the place and role of the nation state in the world market. The effects of globalization have resulted in the joint effort of some State’s sovereign powers, quite exclusive until recently, which leads to reconsider the concept of state sovereignty, tasks, functions and objectives of the state. Globalization involves reducing the state intervention in the economic matters, but it does not imply the disappearance of the state concept. The integration in the transnational economy necessarily implies the weakening of the nation-state authority, since it must make room for the independent actors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Elisheva Machlis

This study will evaluate the relationship between Sufism, ethnicity and sectarianism, through the prism of the Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya orders in Syria and Iraq, during the last two decades. It will demonstrate that the complex interaction between religion and politics in Iraq and Syria resulted in dynamic and even contradictory positions within these two orders in regards to questions of sectarianism and ethnicity. With the growing struggle over religious identities in the region, this research highlights the role of informal Sufi leaders in blending political participation with a mystical inclination, within a dynamic relationship with the state. This nominal Sufi inclination provided an opening for combining Islamic mysticism with other, and at times, opposing affiliations, ranging from nationalism to Jihad. As a result, some Sufi supporters showed sympathy towards Shi‘is while others tended towards a Salafi Jihadist orientation, with its exclusionist worldview. These non-affiliated Sufi voices play an important role in promoting new and diverse blends between mysticism, orthodoxy, activism and sectarianism. As a result, the historical role of Sufism as a cross-sectarian agent is maintained only in particular conditions, within a balance between the doctrines of a particular order, relations with the holders of power and ethnic membership.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document