A brief history of Pakistan–USSR bilateral relations 1947–1991

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (01) ◽  
pp. 171-181
Author(s):  
Muhammad Naveed Ul Hasan Shah ◽  
Muhammad Irfan Mahsud ◽  
Azadar Ali Hamza
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
History Of ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
The Persian Gulf

Pakistan, since 1947 remains under the umbrella of US, as a result, relations of Pakistan were not smooth with anti US states including USSR. The US was to increase its role in the region in order to make secure the largest petroleum reserves in the Persian Gulf. Pakistan’s alignment with the western world was mainly to counter possible Indian aggression, not to lessen the Soviet influence in the region, but the approach was more or less thwarting Soviet interests in the region. Over 3 million Afghan refugees had travelled to Pakistan in the 1st year of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The main objective of the USA during the initial stages of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was primarily to ensure that the Soviet exercise would be a costly one. The United States of America supported Afghan militants with the help of Pakistan to organize them against the USSR. A general perception is that US did not want to be directly involved to thwart the Soviet invasion; rather USA handed over the operational aspect of the program to the Pakistan. The Pakistan was in charge of providing the funds and weapons to the mujahedin and setting up training camps. The US remained indecisive over the next course of action in Afghanistan and the Pakistan took the opportunity to carry out its own agenda in Afghanistan to promote their national interests.

Censuses in the USA and statistics of immigration from Poland – methodological-historical perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (6) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Okrasa
Keyword(s):  
Census Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Funds ◽  
The Us ◽  
Lower Chamber ◽  
The Usa ◽  
History Of ◽  
Us Constitution ◽  
American Society ◽  
Dynamic Population

Censuses of population and housing in the United States are of particular interest to experts in many disciplines – in addition to statisticians, also to demographers, political scientists, sociologists, historians, and even psychologists and anthropologists. This is so not only because of the long history of US censuses (the first census in the US was carried out in 1790) or methodological innovations, but due to immigration responsible for the dynamic population growth, and to the specific purpose of the census, which is ensuring the proportional (according to the numer of inhabitants) distribution of seats in the lower chamber of Congress and federal funds (apportionment), guaranteed by the US Constitution. The heterogeneity of the American society, both in the racial-ethnic and religious-cultural sense, in addition to the above considerations, raise questions about the purposes of those changes and directions for improvement in subsequent censuses. The aim of the article is to present the problems and challenges related to censuses in the USA. The paper focuses on methodological and operational solutions that can be implemented thanks to several improvements, including the progress in the fields of statistics and technology. The paper also discusses the issues of credibility of the census data, based on the example of immigration from Poland and the Polish diaspora in the USA.

scholarly journals Prospects of Enduring Peace in Afghanistan: Avoiding Zero Sum Game in Af-Pak Region

2017 ◽  
Vol II (II) ◽  
pp. 146-161
Author(s):  
Waseem Ishaque
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
History Of ◽  
Degree Of Stability ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
Zero Sum

Afghanistan has witnessed a turbulent history of long and devastating war due to Soviet unabated invasion of Afghanistan of ten years producing unbearable losses of life, institutions and society. The United States along-with the support of majority of Muslim countries supported Jihad to defeat communism. This victory was, however, short-lived as infighting among Afghan war lords later entangled the entire country with even graver consequence. The emergence of Taliban and resultant occupation of 70% of Afghanistan had brought some degree of stability by providing good governance and expeditious justice system, but failed to pragmatically adjust to international environment. The unfortunate incidents of 9/11 changed the world for foreseeable time with even harsher fall out for Afghan nation as unleashing of the war of terror destroyed the left over Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan has caused negative effects on Pakistan as next door neighbour, which has rendered all sorts of humanitarian, diplomatic and moral support to Afghan cause since Soviet invasion and has also suffered most in the process due to spill-over effects. The democratic government is incharge in Afghanistan after fall of Taliban regime in 2001 and several state institutions are also in place albeit at infancy stage, especially the security institutions, yet the prospects of enduring peace and stability are distant reality. More than three million Afghan refugees are still in Pakistan with very dim prospects of honourable return due to persisting instability. This paper highlights the causes of instability in Afghanistan with spill-over impact on Pakistan and suggests a course of action for enduring stability.

India-Pakistan Relationship: A Case of Perpetual Instability

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanzeela Khalil
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Personal Involvement ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The Us ◽  
History Of ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
Two Sides

The study aims to dispassionately analyze what the future holds for Indo-Pak relations. The two sides have maintained strained relations since their independence from the British Colonial rule in 1947. It appears unlikely that India will change its course of action owing to the US support and resultant dismissiveness towards Pakistan’s peace overtures. The current security situation between India and Pakistan is presumed to be unprecedented because of Prime Minister (PM) Modi’s history of personal involvement in actions against Muslims and Pakistan. Therefore, the improvement in bilateral relations cannot be expected until the time some major compromises are made by the leadership on both sides. The lack of convergence in how each side views its security along with a long history of mistrust, are the root causes of this strained relationship. Although the broader dynamics of the Indo-Pak relationship cannot be analyzed in isolation from the very presence of nuclear weapons in the region; however, the occurrence or non-occurrence of crisis between India and Pakistan is not primarily subject to the presence or absence of nuclear weapons. The actual causes of conflict remain the non-resolution of outstanding disputes. To this end, India lacks a demonstrable and consistent political will to resolve conflicts through a spirit of accommodation, compromise, and reconciliation.

scholarly journals PAK–US Relations: Paradoxes & Enigmas during War on Terror

sjesr ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-414
Author(s):  
Rooh ul Amin ◽  
Dr. Ghulam Muhammad Awan ◽  
Afzal Mahmood
Keyword(s):  
Economic Cost ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Roller Coaster ◽  
The Past ◽  
Complete Ignorance ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
History Of ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
The Cold War

Pakistan –USA relations with the punctuated history of over seventy years roller-coaster motion have passed through phases of intense engagement to era of sanctions and betrayal during the Cold war,  followed by spells of distrust, suspicions, and discord during the War against Terror. The intensity of close relations of the 50s and 60s shifted from one extreme to that of complete ignorance in the 70s, followed by urgent marrying up during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and turning in to a most sanctioned Ally after soviet withdrawal.  9/11 served as another anchorage once again for the two old allies; however the warmness of relations remained frequently affected by numerous vexatious irritants thereby eroding mutual trust and War results. The discord in bilateral relations was transformed into cooperation by the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US and Pakistan is listed as a key ally in the war against Afghanistan. Since the commencement of the War against Terror in Afghanistan, the pattern of interstates relations has taken turns with every major event and the changing tones of the last few years indicated that the sky over Pakistan once again seems to be overcast. The rhetoric of "do more" and suspension of all kinds of military and economic aid was a true replica of the past. The backlash of War in Afghanistan appeared with bangs in Pakistan threatening its peace and stability on one hand and polarizing its socio-political fibre of the society on the other. Soon Pakistan's army was left alone by the US and the NATO in its operation against the safe havens of terrorists alongside Durand line with disregard to all of its human and economic cost, suffered as a non-NATO ally. Pakistan's role in the fulfilment of USA interests in Afghanistan is once again signified in the wake of US Withdrawal forces and culmination of promising peace process in Afghanistan. The situation is once against ripe for Pakistan to pursue the USA's objectives and in return seek USA's support in resolving its economic, security, and Kashmir.

scholarly journals Postawy wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych: raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawczych

2018 ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Agnieszka STĘPIŃSKA ◽  
Bartosz HORDECKI
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Usa ◽  
American Policy ◽  
Students Attitudes

The paper presents the results of surveys conducted among students in nearly thirty countries. The surveys concerned the students’ attitudes to the presidential elections in the USA in 2008, and their opinions on the candidates running for election. The attitudes towards the United States, its policy and culture were also surveyed. The results indicate that the attitudes of Polish respondents differ significantly from those of the respondents in other countries. In the fall of 2008, Polish respondents were relatively friendly towards Americans, appreciating their honesty, but disrespecting their incompetence and lack of knowledge. The Polish respondents’ assessments of American policy and culture, the US government and its operations in the international arena were also relatively mild. However, the results of Polish surveys were less favorable to US citizens than the results of earlier surveys. They confirmed that, during the George W. Bush presidency, the attitude of Polish society to everything American slowly, but consistently, grew colder. It seems reasonable to suggest this was a reaction to the US’s global policies and a result of Poles’ dissatisfaction with Polish-American bilateral relations.

scholarly journals Making Sense of the Arbitrator's Ruling in DS 316, EC and Certain Member States – Measures Affecting Trade in Large Civil Aircraft (Article 22.6-EC): A Jigsaw Puzzle with (at Least) a Couple Missing Pieces

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Petros C. Mavroidis ◽  
Kamal Saggi
Keyword(s):  
Adverse Effects ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Liability Rule ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Eu

Abstract ‘The US won a $7.5 Billion award from the World Trade Organization against the European Union, who has for many years treated the USA very badly on Trade due to Tariffs, Trade Barriers, and more. This case going on for years, a nice victory’, tweeted President Trump on 3 October 2019. The United States (US) won not only the highest amount of retaliation ever adjudicated in the history of the WTO but also an ongoing right to retaliate on an annual basis until such time as the EU had complied by either removing the subsidies it granted Airbus or somehow neutralizing their adverse effects on Boeing. In light of the facts of the case, this ruling has two major shortcomings. First, in sharp contrast with the statutory language and practice until now, the Arbitrator effectively introduced a permanent liability rule into the WTO system through the backdoor. Second, given the way the decision and the associated award has been written, it is simply impossible for the EU to comply because (a) the contested subsidies are no longer in existence and (b) no guidance has been provided on how the EU might go about removing their adverse effects on Boeing if it sought to achieve compliance. Thus, in all likelihood, the EU is saddled with a ruling that obligates it to cough up an annual sum of $7.5 billion USD for an indefinite time period.

scholarly journals United States - China Relations: Prospects during Xi - Biden Tenure

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-287
Author(s):  
Srikanth Kondapalli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Strategic Stability ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
The Us ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
Global Growth

Bilateral relations between China and the United States have become strategic in nature with implications to the rest of the world. Both have been engaging and competing on a number of issues in the recent times. While both seek security and stability so as to pursue their respective national interests, they differ on the way they pursue these. While engagement has been the dominant theme in the previous administrations, since late Trump, bilateral relations exhibited tensions on a number of issues including what China considered to be its core interests. Chinas agenda of keeping a low profile has been changed to accomplish something and it intends to occupy the centre stage in the long-term. The election of Joseph Biden as the President of the US coincided with the ongoing reassessments on the bilateral relations as well as coming to the fore of tensions on a number of fronts with China. The spread of COVID-19 pandemic, decline in global growth rates, disruptions in supply chains, and the growing uncertainty have only further exacerbated the US - China relations. Below is a review of the bilateral relations in the recent times by eliciting cooperative and competitive trends between China and the US. It is argued that the US - China relations are undergoing major shifts due to the tensions even as both are for ushering in strategic stability. Chinas perceptions at the leadership level, media and academic levels are outlined in brief to suggest that relations with the US are exhibiting tensions on a number of issues that pose challenges and opportunities for other countries.

scholarly journals From «School Buildings» to «School Architecture» – School Technicians, Grand School Buildings and Educational Architecture in Prussia and the USA in the Nineteenth Century

2020 ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Daniel Töpper ◽  
Fanny Isensee
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Standard ◽  
School Buildings ◽  
School Construction ◽  
School Architecture ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Architecture

The history of school buildings is commonly written as a history of architecture, focusing on outstanding architects and buildings. However, the connection between pedagogical-administrative prescriptions and educational architecture has been studied less, particularly in the nineteenth century. This article highlights the often-overlooked agency of school technicians and proposes to interpret the nineteenth-century history of building schools as a history of implementing pedagogical-administrative objectives. The design of schools followed the inner differentiation of school curricula, at the same time being affected by the growth of school sizes prompted by school management structures and their efficiency aims. We will show how in larger cities the initial one-classroom schools developed into multiple-classroom buildings, taking on their final form in “grand school buildings”. The organizational developments tried and tested here would later become the national standard, with rural schools following with a certain delay. In order to grasp the emergence of the phenomena of these “grand school buildings” we combine the Prussian and US-American cases in their transatlantic connection  in order to comprehend the transnational dimension of school building norms. Being closely connected through mutual observation, the US and Prussian contexts established two decisive aspects: in the Prussian case, the division into separate classrooms as functional units of school construction was implemented, while in the United States additional school rooms such as the assembly hall and specific subject-related rooms were introduced. “Grand school buildings” initiated the interest of the architectural profession, leading to negotiations between school technicians and architects.

scholarly journals Diaspora as a public diplomacy object and subject

2019 ◽  
pp. 92-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mykola Trofymenko
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
National Interests ◽  
China And India ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government

The article studies diasporas of states that turn into a valid actor in terms of international relations and more of ten become subjects and objects of public diplomacy. Governments of states are trying to adjust efficient communication and cooperation with their diasporas facilitating the institutionalization of their associations through the establishment of government agencies embracing the issues of interaction between the government and diaspora. Diasporas are of a special importance for small countries due to the lack of resources the country might use for carrying out their foreign policy and organizing diplomatic missions. For example, diasporas of Israel, Greece, Armenia etc. in the USA significantly influence the formation of politics of the United States toward their historical motherlands contributing to the development of bilateral relations. The author states that the diaspora studies peaked in the late 1990s, when researchers studied the characteristics of the diaspora as a social entity, and raised the issue of the limits of the diaspora. The Irish, Armenian and Jewish diasporas are classic examples of how the diaspora can represent and promote the interests of its homeland in the American government, while functioning as full-on diplomatic actors in bilateral relations. The paper notes that researchers of the diaspora's role in public diplomacy are paying much attention to China and India, due to their audacious initiatives to institutionalize relations with the diasporas, in order to obtain the potential benefits diasporas can bring for bilateral relations (particularly economic ones) as mediators and catalysts. These initiatives include the establishment of ministries and government agencies to engage and coordinate work with the diasporas. Thus, part of the state apparatus works exclusively with the communities of its country abroad. In China and India, the affairs of diaspora are meddled with on subnational levels with the participation of provincial and local governments. Their diaspora ministries and agencies conduct conferences on diaspora issues within the respective countries and send missions and delegations abroad to organize communication with their diasporas. Diasporas are primarily perceived as a source of information and advice, as well as a means of civic engagement for embassies and ministries/ departments.The author draws the following conclusion: first, today states involve diasporas in fulfillment of their diplomatic targets in terms of public diplomacy to promote national interests and reaching their personal goals; second, the notion of diaspora and diplomacy have been significantly widened lately and third, representatives of different diasporas often address diplomatic practice in official way by appointing honorary consuls or in an unofficial way through the activities of citizens-diplomats. Keywords: public diplomacy, diaspora, diaspora diplomacy, diaspora associations, receiving state, sending state.

Russian-African relations and the US factor in 2015–2018

2018 ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.

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