scholarly journals CITIZENS DEMOCRACY EDUCATION-BASED RELIGIONS AND CULTURES: CONSIDERATION OF DEMOCRACY SCHOOL IN JENEPONTO, INDONESIA

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Sabri ◽  
Muh. Ikhsan ◽  
Ismail Suardi Wekke

Democratic transition phenomenon from New Order era to Reform era is always as important subject of study. From the standpoint of democracy, Indonesia is currently at the "crossroads" with three possible options of different consequences. First, it brings us consolidating democracy and peace. Second, it brings us turn around and go back to the old system. Third, it brings us circling aimlessly and occasionally enlivened by social conflicts to SARA (ethnicity, religion, race, and intergroup). The question is: which direction of democracy are we going to? This article focuses on Sekolah Demokrasi Jeneponto (SDJ/Jeneponto School Democracy) program in Jeneponto South Sulawesi, which took place in 2006-2008. The program held in cooperation of Komunitas Indonesia untuk Demokrasi (KID/Indonesian Community for Democracy) and Melania Foundation, by Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) sponsorship. SDJ program is a citizen of political and democratic education that aims to transform the value, knowledge, and skills the concept of democracy in Indonesia by considering religion and culture. By discussing about democracy, religion, and culture following by training and mastering democracy instrument, its participants were able to actualize themselves by means of theoretical understanding, excavation experience, reflection, and the implementation of democracy within the framework of civil society.

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Fuadi

This paper discusses the discourse about the complexity of ethnic and religious identity monism in Mataram Lombok West Nusa Tenggara; Sasak ethnic is Islam, while Balinese ethnic is Hindu. The question is then does religious conversion also include ethnic conversion? Methodologically, this paper is library research. Several notes related to this discourse are as follows: (1) Increasing conflict escalation occurs during the Reformation era. Identity politics emerge and strengthen. In several conflicts at Mataram, the ethnic and religious identity is thickening. (2) There is a complexity between democracy and diversity. Democracy demands unity, while multiculturalism emphasizes particularity. Balancing them is easy in theory but difficult in practice. (3) It must be distinguished between politics and politicization. In the case of Indonesia, ethnic and religious issues are often politicized by some people to achieve their own group goals. (4) Relying on ethnicity is a natural instinct in self-defense and affirming identity. This is not necessary to be troubled and blamed. (5) These problems are like a Pandora's box, a box full of diseases. It was the reform era that opened the box which had been closed or covered by the New Order. What happened in the Reformation Era is the emergence of various ethnic and religious problems which were not recognized during the New Order era.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 479
Author(s):  
Rakhmat Hidayat

After May 1998, Indonesia began the transition from centralization to the era of autonomy. During 32 years, Soeharto’s New Order regime (1966-1998) demonstrated authoritarian regime in many sectors, like politics, economics, social, especially in education. The political freedom of the Reform era has opened up an opportunity for the revival of social movements in Indonesia. Reform has enabled more open political structure, including a friendlier political atmosphere for the teacher movement. The purpose of this research is to explain how teacher movement in Indonesia made transformation from authoritarian which close movement to liberal with open movement. In New Order regime with authoritarian performance, Persatuan Guru Republik Indonesia (Teacher Union in Indonesia) is as the single actor. The paper discussed three main aspects: (1) the explanation of the emerging of teacher movements in the process of democratic citizenship (2) the dynamics of teacher movement in developing teacher capacity in era of decentralization of Indonesia (3) the relations of teacher movement between the civil societies in era of decentralization. The teacher movement influences Indonesia’s democratization process. Teacher movement has contributed substantially in increasing participation and democracy in Indonesia, building the legal and institutional infrastructure for democracy, and providing voice and educational advocacy in supporting the reform.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heri Kusmanto ◽  
Mif Rohim Noyo Sarkun

This article briefly discusses the accommodative politic of Indonesia's Islamic civil society from the perspective of ideological background, society and role point of views during the period of New Order regime. During that time, Muslims was the group of societies that mostly experienced suppressions by the regime. To keep their existence, the Islamic civil society used a political approach that was accommodative to encounter the regime’s policy and diffuse within the government. Surprisingly, this ideological politic remained useful and grew during the New Order regime period, leading the main element in triggering the democratization process. The findings of this study show that the peoples’ social background and level of understanding on ideology, politic and sociological reality contributed to the effectiveness of the accommodative politic implementation. Furthermore, the Islamic society played a vital role as “driving” force in the democratization process in Indonesia, indicating that Islamic ideology is apparently in agreement with Democracy


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Eko Putro Hendro

The politics of ethnic assimilation and discrimination, especially one which was directed toward Tionghoa ethnic during the Old Order as well as the New Order, has resulted in social conflicts which threatens the process of national integration. Multiculturalism approach is a strategic offer to support the emergence of new social institutions to support the effort of developing civil society in Indonesia. Through the multiculturalism approach, recent stereotypical views, which have triggered conflicts, can be eliminated and the existence of Tionghoa ethnic group, including their presence as citizens, can be appreciated and respected. In that manner, the conflicts can be eliminated and altered into a mutualistic-simbiosist relation,


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Rupiarsieh Rupiarsieh

Since the downfall of the New Order regime, the regional head election is done directly. Before 2005, it was elected by the Local House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD). However, since the effectuation of Constitution No. 32 year 2004 said that the regional head was chosen directly by the people and called as Pilkada. It was held in 2010 and 2015. In the 2015 elections in Situbondo, the number of absentia voter is still a problem. It shows that the public has little or no political participation in using their right to vote freely. It is very influential on democracy and acceptance of the elected leaders. The 2015, it showed that the number of registered voters is 509,111. Voters, who using their voting rights only 378,953. The valid votes 372,555, divided to first candidate in number of 18,997 (5%), second candidate in number of 158,934 (43%), and the third candidate in number of 194 624 or 52%. Total absentia voter is 130,058 (25%). By using descriptive qualitative method, the simultaneous elections can be analyzed. The high absentee voter was more due to political factors, lack of political awareness because the majority of education level is still low, and there are patrialism in political culture is. All the leader must have the blessing from the moslem leader (Kiayi). The voters are not in accordance with the existing leader candidate, do not attend the election. The voters will attend the election by following the advice from the Kiayi. They chose their regency leader not in freely condition. If the elected regent unable to accommodate the interests of the opposing party (absentia voter) could become a powerful political opponent. A new factor affecting the absentee voter is political culture. The political culture and democracy education conducted by involving the Kiayi, and directed at women voters and beginner-voter, because the majority of voters are women and the beginner-voter are in the moslem boarding school (called: pasantren), that manage by the Kiayi.


2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63
Author(s):  
Friedrich Schweitzer

Against all possible objections, religiously affiliated schools clearly have a place within multicultural education. Yet they may only play their future role if they really are, or become, agents of educational reform, for example, with a clear emphasis on interreligious learning and on supporting a new synthesis between religious tradition and critical reflexivity of the self. Churches and religious communities must come to understand themselves as well as their educational institutions as part of the strong civil society on which the future of democratic education may well depend.


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bodden

This article details the development of Indonesian national art theatre in Makassar, South Sulawesi from the 1950s to the present. It argues that through a commitment to modernity and modern aesthetics strong bonds to the idea of the nation were formed by Makassar theatre workers. Furthermore, in charting the relationship between local Makassar theatre and national trends often pioneered in Jakarta, I argue that beginning in the New Order and continuing to the present, through several formal and stylistic changes, the deployment of local cultural elements in modern Indonesian national theatre has deepened. Yet this development represents both a renewed pride in local identity and a continuing commitment to the national community.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Warren ◽  
Agung Wardana

Bali faces serious environmental crises arising from overdevelopment of the tourism and real estate industry, including water shortage, rapid conversion of agricultural land, pollution, and economic and cultural displacement. This article traces continuities and discontinuities in the role of Indonesian environmental impact assessment (EIA) during and since the authoritarian ‘New Order’ period. Following the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, the ‘Reform Era’ brought dramatic changes, democratizing and decentralizing Indonesia's governing institutions. Focusing on case studies of resort development projects in Bali from the 1990s to the present, this study examines the ongoing capture of legal processes by vested interests at the expense of prospects for sustainable development. Two particularly controversial projects in Benoa Bay, proposed in the different historical and structural settings of the two eras—the Bali Turtle Island Development (BTID) at Serangan Island in the Suharto era and the Tirta Wahana Bali Internasional (TWBI) proposal for the other side of Benoa in the ‘Reform Era’—enable instructive comparison. The study finds that despite significant changes in the environmental law regime, the EIA process still finds itself a tool of powerful interests in the efforts of political and economic elites to maintain control of decision-making and to displace popular opposition forces to the margins.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-132
Author(s):  
Mukhlis Rahmanto ◽  
Mohammad Syifa Amin Widigdo ◽  
Rozikan .

Purpose of the study:This article aims to examine critically the roles of Muhammadiyah as one of the largest Islamic civil organizations in Indonesia in interpreting and praticing Islamic normative values, especially with regard to the empowerment of civil society after the fall of President Suharto’s New Order political regime in 1998. Methodology:This study applies qualitative approach and descriptive analysis that aims to critically describe the roles of Muhammdiyah through its department of Majelis Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (abbreviated as: MPM) in interpreting and practicing Islamic values in the relation of civil society empowerment in the post Soeharto’s New Order regime era. Data is gathered from observation, interview with the MPM leaders, and document analysis. Other previous studies which are also included as the main sources of the study are conducted by Prijono (1996) and Harmsen (2008). Main Findings and Novelty:The analysis produces some important findings: first, some of normative doctrines of Islam on the issue of society empowerment are reinterpreted. The resulted interpretation is different from classical interpretation and interpretive experiences in other Muslim world. The new interpretation focuses on Sūrah al-Māʿūn of the Qur’an (and some other related verses) and uses such interpretation as a theological ground and spirit for implementing societal empowerment visions and works. Second, the empowerment roles of Muhammadiyah through the Council (i.e. MPM) affirms the theory of civil society in Indonesia, which becomes a strategic partner of the government, whose development program fails engender social welfare and prosperity. Applications of this study: This study can be useful formanyinterdiscipliner area such civil society, civil empowerment, sociology, and Islamic Studies.


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