scholarly journals Democratic Citizenship of Teacher Movement in Indonesia Post-Soeharto: Between Democratic Citizenship and Civic Engagement

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 479
Author(s):  
Rakhmat Hidayat

After May 1998, Indonesia began the transition from centralization to the era of autonomy. During 32 years, Soeharto’s New Order regime (1966-1998) demonstrated authoritarian regime in many sectors, like politics, economics, social, especially in education. The political freedom of the Reform era has opened up an opportunity for the revival of social movements in Indonesia. Reform has enabled more open political structure, including a friendlier political atmosphere for the teacher movement. The purpose of this research is to explain how teacher movement in Indonesia made transformation from authoritarian which close movement to liberal with open movement. In New Order regime with authoritarian performance, Persatuan Guru Republik Indonesia (Teacher Union in Indonesia) is as the single actor. The paper discussed three main aspects: (1) the explanation of the emerging of teacher movements in the process of democratic citizenship (2) the dynamics of teacher movement in developing teacher capacity in era of decentralization of Indonesia (3) the relations of teacher movement between the civil societies in era of decentralization. The teacher movement influences Indonesia’s democratization process. Teacher movement has contributed substantially in increasing participation and democracy in Indonesia, building the legal and institutional infrastructure for democracy, and providing voice and educational advocacy in supporting the reform.

Author(s):  
Manneke Budiman

The downfall of Suhartos New Order in 1998 has opened up a new era of political freedom and participation for activists and for groups that try to promote emancipatory agendas as well as for political Islamists keen on introducing tougher conservative, religious measures to society. Womens activism and participation in different sectors has flourished, and their voices have had much stronger echoes in the political dynamics of the country. However, the new era has also given rise to Islamic radicalism that is also hostile to feminist causes and perceives feminism as part of the Western hegemonic project. In such a slippery political terrain, womens movements in Indonesia have to remake the image of feminism in Indonesian terms so that it cannot be dismissed as an ideology imported from the West and, simultaneously, they must develop a home-grown counter-discourse against the mainstream interpretation of sacred texts by using the same sources of knowledge that the Islamists employ. To what extent women activists have succeeded or failed in their struggles to free Indonesian Muslim women from the shackles of the male-dominated reading of Islamic dogma, and what the future trajectories of their struggles might be, are the primary concerns of this essay.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gili Argenti

In the New Order era (Orde Baru), the end of the 1970s until the early 1990s, the student movement is faced with repressive measures, a policy of limiting the political activities of students applied, then the search for a new format motion is a must. The study group is an option to avoid the political power. In the expansion, the study group turns into a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PRD). The emergence of the PRD as an opposition party to the New Order Indonesian political public attention, because of their political program is so radical. Also, the communist stigma attached by the government to the party’s young people reap the reaction of pro and cons in the community. After the collapse of the New Order, PRD became an electoral party but failed to reap the support of voters. This paper describes the process of changing the format of the student movement of the 1990s, from the study group into action committees, later became a political party, in this paper also described the political progress of PRD in the reform era. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 289
Author(s):  
Aan Suryatwan

After the new order, general elections (Pemilu) were directly elected by the people in the reform era. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of political dynasties did not just disappear. A ruler with the hand of his power can still do much. Although he is not the one who directly elects public positions, maintaining his power can influence the political process, including local political contestation. In this study using descriptive qualitative through the study of literature with the aim that researchers can explore the potential of President Jokowi's political dynasty. The nomination of Gibran and Bobby presented criticisms of President Jokowi's image, political ethics, and leadership. Political officials born from political dynasties usually do not perform well. That can happen to Gibran and Bobby if elected to political contestation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Arief Hidayat

This study discussed the development of political parties in Indonesia during  the  New Order era.  During this time political freedom was restricted, mass participation is suppressed, the electoral process  was controlled by the government and hardly provided the opportunity for public scrutiny. The only political parties are PPP (Development Unity Party), PDI (Indonesian Democracy Party) and Golongan Karya, which are government political parties. In the view of the government the failure of development so far has come from the political sector, especially political parties. The policy was adopted as part of an efforts to achieve political stability  in order to realize national development. In other words democracy is sacrificed for the benefit of economic development.


Author(s):  
Lailatul Maulida

This paper aims to discuss and analyze political satire in Eka Kurniawan's short story titled Corat-coret di Toilet. By applying descriptive qualitative research as well as stylistics approach, researcher then reading the whole text of the short story, analyzing the political satire, and taking notes the sentence related to political satire inside. Found that there are nine sentences of satire in the short story that refer to political satire that was written by some students on the campus toilet's walls against the situation of the government in the year of 1990s where the freedom of conveying aspirations is tightly limited. The ubiquity of political satire in this short story builds critical thinking on the readers and also stimulates them intensely to be able to interpretatively understand what is meant by the political satire, the relation of those political satires with the political and social condition in Indonesia, specifically in the end of New Order and the beginning of reform era. Finally, the political satire in Corat-coret di Toilet reflects legal and social injustice in Indonesia. Nevertheless, Kurniawan's work able to persuade the readers with a sense of humor, sadness, anger and the truth of the Indonesian situation, to understand and care more about social and government phenomena in their own country.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Schlehe

AbstractThe organisation and representation of diversity is a crucial challenge for all countries and especially for post-colonial nations. Accordingly, the politics of multiethnic representation as well as multicultural rhetoric is constantly reformulated and adapted to new conditions, both locally and globally.Cultural theme parks are a typical arena for the display of multiculturality. In the case of Indonesia it is of special interest to investigate whether and in what ways the public staging of ethnic cultures has changed in the reform era (since 1998). This includes aspects of inclusion and exclusion. Which ethnic groups are defined as being constitutive for the Indonesian nation and how are they represented in the central theme park, Taman Mini, in Jakarta? In which ways are the political processes of democratisation and decentralisation reflected in the organisation of Taman Mini, which used to be a main icon of Suharto's New Order regime?This paper suggests that there is a need for Indonesia to re-imagine itself and to refashion a globally oriented multicultural—or, even better, transcultural—identity for the future. Popular public spaces like cultural theme parks have the potential to be appropriate places for such innovative visions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Fuadi

This paper discusses the discourse about the complexity of ethnic and religious identity monism in Mataram Lombok West Nusa Tenggara; Sasak ethnic is Islam, while Balinese ethnic is Hindu. The question is then does religious conversion also include ethnic conversion? Methodologically, this paper is library research. Several notes related to this discourse are as follows: (1) Increasing conflict escalation occurs during the Reformation era. Identity politics emerge and strengthen. In several conflicts at Mataram, the ethnic and religious identity is thickening. (2) There is a complexity between democracy and diversity. Democracy demands unity, while multiculturalism emphasizes particularity. Balancing them is easy in theory but difficult in practice. (3) It must be distinguished between politics and politicization. In the case of Indonesia, ethnic and religious issues are often politicized by some people to achieve their own group goals. (4) Relying on ethnicity is a natural instinct in self-defense and affirming identity. This is not necessary to be troubled and blamed. (5) These problems are like a Pandora's box, a box full of diseases. It was the reform era that opened the box which had been closed or covered by the New Order. What happened in the Reformation Era is the emergence of various ethnic and religious problems which were not recognized during the New Order era.


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