The Experience of Czech-Slovak Diplomatic Cooperation in the Context of the European Integration of Ukraine

Author(s):  
Vitaliy Andreiko

The contemporary history of the Czech Republic’s and the Slovak Republic’s formation asindependent European states has a meaningful specificity, compared to other Central European countries and post-Soviet states. First, in the early 1990s, against the backdrop of the former socialist federations’ «balkanization», the Czech and Slovak peoples and their political elites demonstrated the possibility of a civilized, peaceful and evolutionary self-dissolution of the Czech-Slovak federative union and the declaration of independence by the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Second, the cessation of the Czech-Slovak federative union and the declaration of independence by Czechia and Slovakia took place on the basis and within the framework of the existing constitutional norms and laws. And thirdly, when still in the federation, the Czech and Slovak parties were in advance preparing conditions for the full functioning of national statehood from the first days of independence of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic and the legal and contractual basis for their further close inter-state cooperation. Keywords: Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, diplomatic cooperation, EU, NATO, Europeanintegration of Ukraine

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 380-397
Author(s):  
Jan Wintr

In their current constitutions, both the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic share common roots owed to their 74-year history of one nation. Following independence, however, there are noticeable differences in the further development of their current constitutions. This article provides an overview of definitions of the parliamentary and the semi-presidential systems of government, explores relevant events and constitutional jurisdiction, and continues with a comparison of the current position of the head of state and its particular competences in both countries. In conclusion, the article states that both the Czech and the Slovak Republic have a clearly parliamentary system of government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 48 (No. 4) ◽  
pp. 90-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Pavlik ◽  
W. Yayo Ayele ◽  
M. Havelkova ◽  
M. Svejnochova ◽  
V. Katalinic-Jankovic ◽  
...  

A survey on Mycobacterium bovis and M.&nbsp;tuberculosis in humans has been performed in four Central European countries (Croatia, the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic and Slovenia) during the years 1990 to 1999. These countries cover an area of 204 688 km<sup>2</sup> with 22 135 million population. During the period, new cases of tuberculosis were bacteriologically diagnosed in 47 516 patients. M.&nbsp;tuberculosis was detected in 47 461 (99.88%) cases, whereas M.&nbsp;bovis was found only in 55 (0.12%) patients. The rate of infection due to M.&nbsp;bovis in humans did not exceed 0.29% in the study countries. The annual incidence of bacteriological confirmed M.&nbsp;bovis cases did not exceed 0.1 per 100&nbsp;000 inhabitants. In the Czech Republic out of 44 tuberculosis patients due to M.&nbsp;bovis, 32 (72.7%) were older than 61&nbsp;years and originated from rural areas, where they lived during childhood and worked in agricultural occupations. These patients may have suffered a reactivation of persistent (long-standing) M.&nbsp;bovis infection as they got older. Bovine tuberculosis in cattle was eliminated from these countries during the second half of the 1960s (Croatia in 1966, Czech Republic and Slovak Republic &ndash; former Czechoslovakia in 1968, Slovenia in 1973) and the incidence of outbreaks of bovine tuberculosis in cattle were very low, thus the disease in humans was unexpected.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Poveda

The peculiarities of the attitude of the two leading Czech political parties regarding the process of European integration through the prism of the effectiveness of the protection of national interests at the supranational level are analyzed in the given article. While conducting this study, it was revealed, that once it became clear that accession to the European Union would inevitably require certain national concessions from the Czech Republic, the leading Civic Democratic Party began to declare an increasingly Eurosceptic position. Gradually, EU membership was considered by it only through the prism of realizing the economic interests of the country. Civic Democrats have become even more vigorous opponents of deepening European integration and have strongly opposed the adoption of a common EU Constitution and federalization and have opposed any attempt to alienate part of national sovereignty in favor of the EU, since the Czech Republic joined the European Union. The author emphasizes that the disapproval by CDP of further European integration is explained by the historical fears of many Czechs, who are convinced that the development of the EU in a federal direction is in line with German interests and aspirations to dominate in Europe. The author also stresses on the fact, that the anti-German attitude of the Civic Democrats stems from the history of relations between two nations which have never been friendly and is explained by fears about further economic expansion of Germany in the Czech Republic. It was found that the discourse of Czech Communists on European integration is quite autonomous, because, in contrast to the CDP (and in general to all other parliamentary parties of the country), which although remains critical of the EU, but it does not question the Czech Republic membership in the European Union, the Communist Party does not consider any prospects for the functioning of the EU at all, and it does not consider the expediency of Czech Prepublic membership in it. Key words: Czech Republic; European integration; Civic Democratic Party; Communist Party of the Czech Republic and Moravia; Euroscepticism; Autonomist discourse.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 187-192
Author(s):  
Mikhail Yu. Dronov ◽  

The review is dedicated to the recent monograph by the Slovak historian Peter Švorc on Jurij Lažo (1867–1929). The book is a meticulously researched biography of the Rusyn national political activist set against the background of the history of the Carpathian Rusyns, Austria-Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. The author pays increased attention to the issues of national and confessional identity of the Rusyn population of the Prešov region and Subcarpathian Rus’. J. Lažo went down in history primarily as a Senator who represented the interests of Rusyn villagers in the Czechoslovak Parliament, and as a fi ghter for the conversion of Greek Catholics to the Orthodox Church. Leger acted as a consistent proponent of the “all-Russian” (all-Eastern Slavic) national-language trend and a critic of the Magyarization and later Slovakization of the Rusyns. All six chapters of the monograph differ in their originality, and are based on documents from various archives in the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic, and Austria. Despite the remain- ing gaps in the biography of Jurij Lažo, Peter Švorc’s book is a valuable contribution to the historiography of this topic.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasper de Raadt

What were the effects of constitution-making procedures on the acceptance of the new “rules of the political game” in postcommunist Central Europe? This article sets out to scrutinise the increasingly popular claim among politicians and scholars of democratisation that inclusiveness and popular involvement in constitution-making processes enhance a constitution's legitimacy. The concept of constitutional conflict, referring to political contestation over the interpretation and application of constitutional relations among state institutions, is introduced as a way to assess constitutional acceptance among politicians. The investigation concentrates on constitutional conflict patterns during the five years following constitution-making in seven Central European countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. Constitution-making procedures varied substantially among the cases, as did the intensity and timing of constitutional conflict. The article finds that differences in constitution-making procedures do not necessarily determine the legitimacy of constitutions among political elites. Instead, ambiguity on the allocation of formal competencies among political actors and increasing political tensions between pro-reform and anti-reform parties during the early 1990s proved to be more important triggers of constitutional conflict. Accordingly, studies on constitution-making and democratisation should focus less on procedural aspects and take into account the fuzziness of important constitutional provisions and the extent to which constitutions can survive periods of intense political polarisation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 3) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
V. Vojtěch

This paper discusses the potential effects of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) on&nbsp;the various branches of the agricultural sector in the four OECD member Central European Countries (CECs), i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and the Slovak Republic. The estimation of the effect of the domestic sectoral policies harmonisation with the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and its impact on the farming sector, consumers of agricultural commodities and taxpayers, is based on the data from the OECD quantitative analysis of support to agriculture.


2020 ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Markéta Bednářová ◽  
Eva Lásková

In all three Central European countries, long-term residence is defined as residence for a specific purpose of more than 90 days. The requirements for granting this type of residence are generally similar with differences in the individual types of purpose of this residence permit. The Polish Act contains a category that could be defined as ‘above-framework’, expanding the range of options that make it possible to obtain long-term residence. The Slovak legislation contains the purpose of “special activities”. In comparison with the Czech legislation, the range of possibilities for obtaining long-term residence in Slovakia is more extensive and less rigid. Specifically, in the case of long-term residence for the purpose of study, there is a fundamental difference in the legislation in the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic, where Slovak legislators include in the term “study” all university, secondary, and higher vocational education. The Polish Act mentions only university studies and doctoral studies. The administration related to the admission of a foreign student to a specific school in the territory is certainly more extensive and demanding in Poland, with both the minister and the voivode enter the process beyond the framework of standard state administration bodies. The arrangement of the Act reveals a fundamental difference in Poland, where the sequence and logic of the arrangement is different to the Czech or Slovak legislation, which is expressed in which institutions Poland focus greater attention and emphasis or importance. None of the countries completely leaves the issue of visas for aliens from third countries unregulated. Although the legislation is identical in many respects, there are differences between individual institutions and the periods for which a visa can be issued. However, the issue of alien law is, at first sight, very extensive and content-intensive in all the above Central European countries, as evidenced by the length of the legislation itself, the complexity of individual institutions, and specific complexity of the provisions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 295-297
Author(s):  
Sergej A. Borisov

For more than twenty years, the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences celebrates the Day of Slavic Writing and Culture with a traditional scholarly conference.”. Since 2014, it has been held in the young scholars’ format. In 2019, participants from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan, Togliatti, Tyumen, Yekaterinburg, and Rostov-on-Don, as well as Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Romania continued this tradition. A wide range of problems related to the history of the Slavic peoples from the Middle Ages to the present time in the national, regional and international context were discussed again. Participants talked about the typology of Slavic languages and dialects, linguo-geography, socio- and ethnolinguistics, analyzed formation, development, current state, and prospects of Slavic literatures, etc.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.


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