scholarly journals The Relationship between Good Governance and Decentralized System

Twejer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 357-400
Author(s):  
Hiwa Majeed Khalil ◽  

It is impossible in the administration systems, to find out a fully centralized or decentralized system; there is a form of distribution of powers to the lower administration units. This is true for the Kurdistan Region as well, where the Region consists units such as governorates, districts, and sub-districts. However, the administration system in the Kurdistan Region is characterized by contradiction. There is a set of laws and decisions to approve the decentralized system, whereas these decisions are not implemented properly. Due to political conflicts, especially after the internal war (1994-1998), which resulted in two administrations unites, one in Erbil and the another in Sulaymaniyah, and ended with the establishment of a unified government in 2006, but the political, economic, and cultural effects of the internal war prevented the unity and the objectives of unification between the two mentioned administrations; affecting any reform steps toward establishing a good governance and decentralized system.

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
Amanda Eubanks Winkler

AbstractThis article analyses the complicated and conflicted critical response to Andrew Lloyd Webber’sThe Phantom of the Operawithin the political, economic and cultural context of the Thatcher/Reagan era. British critics writing for Conservative-leaning broadsheets and tabloids took nationalist pride in Lloyd Webber’s commercial success, while others on both sides of the Atlantic claimed thatPhantomwas tasteless and crassly commercial, a musical manifestation of a new Gilded Age. Broader issues regarding the relationship between the government and ‘elite’ culture also affected the critical response. For some,Phantomforged a path for a new kind of populist opera that could survive and thrive without government subsidy, while less sympathetic critics heardPhantom’s ‘puerile’ operatics as sophomoric jibes against an art form they esteemed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 444-463
Author(s):  
Abdurahim S. Tahil ◽  
Shernahar K. Tahil

This study was conducted to determine the barrier to the development of selected municipalities of Sulu province.  It aimed to find out the Suluanos’ concept of development in terms of political, economic, socio-cultural, technological, and ecological aspects, including how these perceived barriers affect the development of Sulu. This research utilized the descriptive method where the Quantitative aspect gathered the data from 400 adults of ten big municipalities using a checklist questionnaire. The respondents were selected through systematic sampling.  For the qualitative part, the collected data were from 90 participants through focus group discussions. The statistical tools used were frequency, percentage, mean, standard deviation, and group means. The finding revealed that the Suluanos’ concept of development upheld the development policies which are participatory, equitable, appropriateness, concertizing, and environment friendly and the corresponding functions of development such as the political, economic, socio-cultural, technological, and ecological aspects. Of the five development functions, the economic aspect (2.95) was the main barrier to development.  It is followed by the technological aspect (2.91), the political (2.79), and ecological (2.42) as the fourth rank. On the other hand, the socio-cultural part (2.21) was the least encountered barrier. The perceived barriers that affected the development of Sulu were related to lack of high ethical standards, transparency, accountability, effectiveness, and lack of respect for and commitment to social justice, human rights, environmental life protection, and people's empowerment. Based on the data gathered, the findings made the researcher conclude that the political, economic, technological, socio-cultural, and ecological aspects in Sulu were considered barriers to development.  They were not within the bounds of good governance.   Bureaucracy was weak due to the leaders' personalities, who were neither transactional nor transformational. At the same time, they were not within the context of the alternative model of development. To minimize if not eliminate the barriers to development, the government's efforts should be geared towards accountability to improve the quality of governance and dispensation of justice. Further studies are recommended to determine other predictors that can similarly evaluate the development conditions of Sulu Province.     


Harmoni ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-240
Author(s):  
M. Alie Humaedi

The relationship between Islam and Christianity in various regions is often confronted with situations caused by external factors. They no longer debate the theological aspect, but are based on the political economy and social culture aspects. In the Dieng village, the economic resources are mostly dominated by Christians as early Christianized product as the process of Kiai Sadrach's chronicle. Economic mastery was not originally as the main trigger of the conflict. However, as the political map post 1965, in which many Muslims affiliated to the Indonesian Communist Party convert to Christianity, the relationship between Islam and Christianity is heating up. The question of the dominance of political economic resources of Christians is questionable. This research to explore the socio cultural and religious impact of the conversion of PKI to Christian in rural Dieng and Slamet Pekalongan and Banjarnegara. This qualitative research data was extracted by in-depth interviews, observations and supported by data from Dutch archives, National Archives and Christian Synod of Salatiga. Research has found the conversion of the PKI to Christianity has sparked hostility and deepened the social relations of Muslims and Christians in Kasimpar, Petungkriono and Karangkobar. The culprit widened by involving the network of Wonopringgo Islamic Boarding. It is often seen that existing conflicts are no longer latent, but lead to a form of manifest conflict that decomposes in the practice of social life.


World Affairs ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 180 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simplice A. Asongu

This study investigates the effect of globalization on governance in 51 African countries for the period 1996–2011. Four bundled governance indicators and four globalization (political, economic, social, and general) variables are used. The empirical evidence is based on instrumental variable quantile regressions. The motivation for using this estimation technique is that blanket governance–globalization policies are not likely to succeed unless they are contingent on initial levels of governance and tailored differently across countries with low, intermediate, and high levels of governance. The following findings are presented. First, globalization does, in fact, appear to promote good governance. Second, for the most part, the effect of globalization is higher in terms of magnitude in the bottom quantiles of the political, institutional, and general governance distributions. Third, the impact of globalization is overwhelmingly higher in terms of magnitude in the top quantiles of the economic governance distribution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 742-758 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Tkáčová ◽  
Beáta Gavurová ◽  
Viliam Kováč

The political-economic cycle can be caused as the consequence of the wrong political decisions, made with the aim of re-election and maintaining the political power. These decisions influence the macroeconomic indicators of the country and their presence is problematic in the advanced economies. The main objective of this study is to verify the existence of the political-economic cycle model in the case of Greece and to identify the type of this cycle. The basement is given by the approach of Alesina and Roubini (1992), which observes the relationship between the political dummy variables and the selected macroeconomic variables such as gross domestic product, unemployment rate and inflation rate. The eight linear regression models are developed in the R software environment, while the three of them are opportunistic and the five are ideological. These models are identified as statistically significant and according to the methodology, tested for the presence of serial correlation, heteroscedasticity and residual normality. As the models do not confirm the presence of an opportunistic or ideological political-economic cycle, according to the data, the influence of the political parties on changes in the macroeconomic variables before the election is not proved for the case of Greece.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-182
Author(s):  
Bekhal Abubaker Hussein ◽  
Rauf Kareem Mahmood

This paper tackles nonverbal communication cues among refugees. It is widely believed that nonverbal communication is one of the most effective types of communication to enhance better human understanding and cooperation. Besides, interpretation and comprehension of this type of communication are crucial among diverse nations, cultures, and ethnic groups. On the other hand, the number of refugees has increased because of several factors, mainly including armed political conflicts in Middle-Eastern countries. Thus, they face political, economic, social, and/or psychological threats. Besides, they encounter other challenging difficulties in verbal and nonverbal communication. Therefore, communication enhancement has become essential and crucial to treat refugees through more proactive nonverbal communication strategies. The study targets real people in Sulaimani Governorate refugee camps, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. It investigates the types of nonverbal cues in the sociopragmatic refugeeism context. It initiates by some definitions of sociopragmatics and nonverbal communication and its cues categorization. In addition, it extends to explain the impact of sociopragmatic variables on the communicative types of nonverbal cues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
MUHAMMAD MAJID MAHMOOD BAGRAM ◽  
AKBAR ABBAS BANGASH ◽  
ZARA KIRAN

This research article throws light on the impacts of Corporate Governance in the developing countries particularly to Pakistan, Mexico, Brazil and Bangladesh. The paper starts with discussions on how and when there is an alteration in different features of company administration during the practice of financial advancing in Mexico. It encompasses ultimately the impact of transforms in the replica of business control regarding the expansion of the state e.g. enlargement in purchaser commodities in favour of central group buyers, growth revelation through home firms, fewer help in favour of community public schemes etc. The authors of this research article assert that problems of governance in Bangladesh are at the helm of affairs of its economy. We observed the data regarding governance of Bangladesh of period 1996-2004 and analysed these various governance dimensions out of the aforesaid economic progress analysis the key dimensions have been divulged. These are political governance, institution dimensions and technology dimensions. The political governance in Bangladesh has been paralysed from 1998 to 2004. When the performance of governance in Bangladesh become functional it had positively affected the economy. We cannot say the importance of company authority within growing kingdoms. The commercial domination might include a slightly different system than prevalent in the European countries and North America due to insufficient infrastructure and destroy governmental policy interventionism. We also throw light on important features of Brazilian firm’s changes after the application for communal power exercises. After making a deliberation on the implementation of joint supremacy in Brazil, Mexico, and Bangladesh and subsequently we have emphasized the impact of Corporate Governance and proper growth in Pakistan. The relationship between good governance and proper growth is proportional generally. Having studied different scenarios of the countries under remonstration, the writers have reached the conclusion that good governance is an essential component for upgrading the economies of developing countries because of these reasons it may be said that high-quality control leads towards a country obtain sky-scraping and frequent monetary increase through establishment of congenial environment for savings and investment, entrepreneurship, yielding implement upon manufacturers, generating constancy among marketplace, expansion in souks though elimination of hurdles/barriers towards inner job and progress over the competitors. Keywords: Business Control, Economic Development and Proper Growth.


2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442097094
Author(s):  
Alex Farrington

Whenever scholars inquire into the relationship between space and power, you can almost invariably find a reference to Henri Lefebvre. However, his initial popularization by David Harvey involved an overemphasis on the political-economic dimensions of his work. This article revisits The Production of Space to show that Lefebvre considered rhythmanalysis – and not a political economy of space – as the ideal method for transforming space and everyday life. Lefebvre argues that a more embodied and intimate knowledge of spatial rhythms can inform the appropriation of space by its everyday inhabitants, in opposition to capital and state power. To demonstrate the radical political potential of rhythmanalysis, I follow my reading of The Production of Space with an examination of “The Siege of the Third Precinct in Minneapolis,” a rhythmanalytic account of the recent Minneapolis uprising. This account, which was circulated online to share tactical insights with other protesters, evokes a number of new avenues for rhythmanalytic research.


Author(s):  
Francesc-Andreu MARTÍNEZ GALLEGO

LABURPENA: Lan hau komunikabideen eta ustelkeria politikoaren arteko harremanei buruzkoa da. Lanaren estrategia komunikabideek gobernatzaileen eta gobernatuen arteko harremanak hedatzeko bitarteko aktiboak bezala duten jarrera agertzea da, hau da, komunikabideek ustelkeriari buruz emandako informazioa izan ez dadin prentsaren jatorrietatik datorren ataza soila, hots, askatasun publikoen eta gobernu onaren watchdog or atari-txakur lana. Gauzak horrela, komunikabideak aktore politikoak dira, interes partikularrak dituzte eta egitateekiko elkarrekintza dute, eta egitate horiei garrantzia ematen diete (edo ez), interesen arabera. Ustelkeria politikoko eskandaluak kazetaritzako argitan, komunikabideen enpresen interesen arabera eta sistema politikoaren eta komunikabide sistemaren arteko harremanak kontuan izanda aztertu behar dira. Horrela soilik ahal izango diogu lana honen funtsari ekin, alegia: zer egin dezakete komunikabideek demokraziaren kalitatea handitzeko, hau da, ustelkeria politikoa bertatik erauzi edo, gutxienez, mugatzeko? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es un estudio crítico sobre la relación existente entre medios de comunicación y corrupción política. La estrategia del mismo consiste en desvelar la posición de los medios de comunicación como mediatizadores activos de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, de manera que la información sobre corrupción producida por los medios no se vea como el mero cumplimiento de una tarea asignada desde sus orígenes ilustrados a la prensa, a saber, su labor de watchdog o perro guardián de las libertades públicas y del buen gobierno. Vistas así las cosas, los medios se configuran como actores políticos con intereses particulares que interaccionan con los hechos y a los que confieren (o no) la entidad de noticiables en grados diversos. Los escándalos de corrupción política deben estudiarse a la luz de las narrativas periodísticas, a la luz de los condicionamientos empresariales de los medios y a la luz de la configuración de las relaciones entre el sistema político y el sistema mediático. Sólo así podremos encarar la cuestión de fondo que se plantea al final de este trabajo y que pregunta qué pueden hacer los medios de comunicación para acrecentar la calidad de la democracia extirpando o al menos limitando en ella la corrupción política. ABSTRACT: This work is a critical analysis about the relationship between mass media and political corruption. Its strategy is to unveil the mass media position as an activ mediator in the relationship between governers and governeds so that information about corruption by the media cannot be seen as the simple fullfilment of an assigned task to the press since its Enlightment origins, i.e. their job of watchdog or guard dog for public liberties and good governance. As things stand, mass media are configured as political actors with particular interests that interact with facts to which the give (or not) a gradual entity of political newsworthiness. The scandals of political corruption should be studied in the light of journalistic narratives, corporate constraints of the mass media and the setting of relationships among the political and the media system. Only this way we will be able to face the underlying issue that arises at the end of this work and that questions what mass media can do in order to improve the quality of democracy by removing or at least constraining within the political corruption.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

This chapter explains who the Kenneys were, provides biographical detail about the family and the individual sisters, and sets out the political, economic, social, and cultural context in which they grew up. It shows that, despite the rhetoric of sisterhood which often characterizes feminist politics, friendship rather than family has been central to suffrage studies, and argues that the family needs to be given greater consideration. It also explains the place of class in suffrage historiography and the relationship between the women’s and labour movements as a way into understanding the relative lack of work on suffrage militants. The chapter sets out the source material which forms the basis for this study, explains the thematic biographical approach, and summarizes the chapters which follow.


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