Netaji Subbash Chandra Bose’s Relation with Japan in Historical Context and Contemporary Perspectives

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-212

Subhash Chandra Bose was one of India’s greatest freedom fighter. He revived the Indian National Army, popularly known as ‘Azad Hind Fauj’ in 1943 which was initially formed in 1942 by Rash Behari Bose. He provided an influential leadership and kept the spirit of nationalism burning during the slack period of national movement in India. Netaji was a patriot to the last drop of his blood. In his passionate love for the motherland, he was prepared to do anything for the sake of liberating his country. Subhash Chandra Bose is a legendary figure in Indian history. His contribution to the freedom struggle made him a brave hero of India. However, there has been controversial debates about Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s political views in his struggle for India’s freedom till date. This paper studies about 1. Controversy on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s political views; 2. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s relation with Japan from contemporary perspectives; and 3. Subhash Chandra Bose’s relation with Japan in comparison with that of Phan Boi Chau in Vietnam. Received 9th December 2020; Revised 2nd March 2021; Accepted 20th March 2021

Knygotyra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 206-232
Author(s):  
Remigijus Misiūnas

The Lithuanian national movement of the 19th c. had mostly manifested itself in the literature, which, under the Lithuanian press ban, was being published both in East Prussia and in Lithuanian communities in the United States, and which was being distributed likewise in Lithuania, East Prussia, and the United States. That same time period saw the forming of a new system designed to inform readers of new releases, which was utilized to help any members of the Lithuanian diaspora to keep updated on the newest literature affairs. This system had encompassed the press of both East Prussia and the United States, and it would inform the readers of the newest publications both from the location of where the newspaper was being released and about the new books and periodicals that were being published in foreign countries; thus, it had created a reflection of Lithuanian literature as a whole. The aim of this article is to analyze the circumstances surrounding the informing of readers about the newest publications as it had occurred in the American Lithuanian press up to 1904; main focus is paid here to the information regarding Lithuanian and Lithuanistic publications released in East Prussia and elsewhere in Europe. The basis of this study is a list of 322 Lithuanian and Lithuanistic publications released in Europe; the list itself took shape after overviewing 11 Lithuanian newspapers published in the United States. The 322 publications had been distributed in Lithuanian communities in the United States and were announced by the local Lithuanian press.This study has showed that the first announcements about the new books appeared in the US Lithuanian press in the late 1890s, and in the early 20th c., designated columns for publishing news became an ordinary practice. Unfortunately, a lack of authors capable of writing critical reviews of the new publications forced the émigré press to be content with mostly annotations and very laconic commentaries about the pros and cons of new publications. The fact that announcements were made about books (mostly publications released in Europe) that were not part of the American salespeople’s repertoire allows us to believe that the editorial boards of the newspapers behaved thus acting upon the informational mission of their newspapers, their societal role, and in seeking to support the national movement and the dissemination of its ideas as well as the mission of its consolidation. In evaluating the repertoire of the introduced publications, we may speak not only of the dissemination of information on these works but also of a particular perspective that the editorial boards of these periodicals had and which was based on a particular set of values. Attention is paid to Lithuanian literature, its growth and place in the society of that time, and how it matches the needs of the readers. The introduced literature repertoire was dominated by secular works that had reflected the growth of Lithuanian literature and answered the demands of education. The books were oftentimes evaluated first and foremost based on the aspect of how much practical information could they provide – this had to do with the restricted possibilities of Lithuanian education; for example, the amount of information these works could give on the topics of farming, medicine, craftsmanship, and the natural sciences was an important aspect. With time, more attention began to be paid to societal-political literature, which was associated to the dissemination of the ideologies of those times, and Lithuanistic works written by foreign (not Lithuanian) authors. The works were also increasingly evaluated based on the political views of the editorial boards, which had also determined the fact that the readers were urged to buy some books while others were introduced as no good. Yet at the same time it may be observed that attention was being paid to publishing culture, the linguistic aspects especially, prompted by the changes that were happening in written Lithuanian. Attempts were made to limit the distribution of books that had not met the standards of the written languages; however, owing to the poorness of literature, the practical value of the book was of the most importance. The perspective regarding the importance of some books can also be seen based on how many newspapers had referenced those books in their news and how well were these works met. In understanding that the system designed to inform the readership of the books did not meet the standards of even its contemporaries, it must still be said that during those times, a tradition had taken shape to introduce publishing news in the periodicals. This tradition was developed and perfected during later times, but its proper evaluation would require the continuation of its study.


2021 ◽  
pp. 187936652110663
Author(s):  
Dmitry Mikhailov ◽  
Nikolay Ternov

The article provides a comparative characteristic of the nationally motivated ethnocultural concepts of the 19th century, based on the interpretation of Siberian peoples` history. Finnish nationalism was looking for the ancestral home of the Finns in Altai and tried to connect them with the Turkic-Mongol states of antiquity and the Middle Ages. Under the influence of the cultural and historical theories of regional experts, the Siberian national discourse itself began to form, which was especially clearly manifested in the example of the genesis of Altai nationalism. Russian great-power nationalism sought to make Slavic history more ancient and connected it with the prestigious Scythian culture. If we rely on the well-known periodization of the development of the national movement of M. Khrokh, then in the theory of the Finns` Altai origin, we can distinguish features characteristic of phase “B,” when the cultural capital of nationalism gradually turns into political. In turn, the historical research of the regional specialists illustrates the earliest stage in the emergence of the national movement, the period of nationalism not only without a nation but also without national intellectuals. The oblasts are forming the very national environment, which does not yet have the means for its own expression, but it obviously contains separatist potential. At the same time, both the Finnish and Siberian patriots, with their scientific research, solved the same ideological task—to include the objects of their research in the world cultural and historical context, to achieve recognition of their right to a place among European nations. However, Florinsky’s theory, performing the function of the official propaganda, is an example of the manifestation of state unifying nationalism, with imperial connotations characteristics of Russia.


Author(s):  
L. Mohylnyi ◽  
O. Liashchenko

At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gmerek ◽  

In January 1863, an uprising started in all parts of the former Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania that had been annexed by Russia. The uprising was of particular interest to Irish nationalists, who made a number of parallels with the Irish situation and used Polish examples in their political discourse. Two Irish politicians visited Poland at that time: William Smith O’Brien, a former leader of Young Ireland, and the young Tory M.P. for King’s County, John Pope-Hennessy. This article discusses their visits and compares and contrasts their personalities and political views. It examines relevant aspects of the historical context by using both Polish archival sources and coverage by Irish nationalist periodicals.


2000 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Silvestri

A recent article in the Calcutta magazine Desh outlined the exploits of a revolutionary fighting for “national freedom” against the British Empire. The article related how, during wartime, this revolutionary traveled secretly to secure the aid of Britain's enemies in starting a rebellion in his country. His mission failed, but this “selfless patriot” gained immortality as a nationalist hero. For an Indian—and particularly a Bengali—audience, the logical protagonist of this story would be the Bengali nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose, the former president of the Indian National Congress, assumed the leadership of the Indian National Army with the support of the Japanese imperial government during the Second World War in the hopes of freeing India from British rule. The subject of the story, however, was not Bose, but the United Irishmen leader Theobald Wolfe Tone and his efforts in 1796 to secure assistance for an Irish rebellion from the government of Revolutionary France. The article went on to narrate how Ireland had been held in the “grip of imperialism” for an even longer period of time than India and concluded that the Irish and Indian nationalist movements were linked by a history of rebellion against British rule.As the Desh article illustrates, the popular image of the relationship between Ireland and India within the British Empire has been that of two subject peoples striving for national freedom. This linkage of Irish and Indian history has had particular resonance in Bengal.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-152
Author(s):  
Altaf Fatima

We all know the old adage that “history belongs to the victors.” In the caseof Muslim India, this is reflected in the historical accounts ofMuslim SouthAsia’s decline during the eighteenth century and its final defeat in 1857.Written mainly by European and Hindu historians who often had no contactsbeyond the Mughal court’s outer fringes, they could hardly be expected topresent theMuslim interpretation of events. Closer to our own time, the successof M. K. Gandhi’s (1869-1948) non-violent mass movement, whichfinally forced the British out of India, has overshadowed earlier Muslimefforts to obtain the same goal. In this article, a glimpse is offered into thisoften ignored history in order to remind people that Gandhi’s movement didnot arise in a vacuum, but rather in a particular historical context in whichMuslims had played a prominent role ...


Tommy Tenney in the book, Hadassah The girl who became Queen Esther describes about the life history of Queen Esther and her struggle to win over the cruel plot of Haman. Shahana Dasgupta in her book, Rani Lakshmibai the Indian heroine describes Rani Lakshmibai as a freedom fighter for Jhansi against the British rule. The Queen of Persia, Esther reigned over 127 provinces starting from Ethiopia to India. She is a brave woman who took a stand for Jews in a crucial time. Through her fasting and spiritual warfare she could able won the favour of King Xerxes. Because of her leading nature the Jews killed the Agagites. Lakshmibai, The Rani of Jhansi was the queen of the Maratha-ruled princely state of Jhansi in India. She was one of the leading personality of the Indian rebellion of 1857, and a symbol of resistance to British rule in India. The name of Rani Lakshmibai in Indian History is synonymous with heroism and courage. In extremely adverse circumstance she staunchly refused to give in to the demands of the formidable opponents, the Britishers; fought them bravely with only a handful of allies and finally sacrificed her life in the battlefield. Esther and Lakshmibai’s biography is similar in many ways like the change of namebefore marriage and after marriage. Hadassah as Esther and Manu as Lakshmibai. Both of them lost their mother in the childhood and raise up by their father. In the case of Esther she was brought up by Mordecai While Lakshmibai was brought up by Moropant. Esther fought for Jews to live in Persia and Lakshmibai fought for Marathas to live in Jhansi. This paper intends to do a comparative study on Queen Esther of Persia and Rani Lakshmibhai of Jhansi in India. The paper also portrays how both the women took a strong decision to save their tribe or people from the enemies.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Naboka ◽  

The article deals with the historical authenticity of the legends about the philosopher Hryhoriy Skovoroda's and Decembrist Kindrat Ryleyev's stay in the Holy Dormition Church (Osinove village, Novopskovsky district, Luhansk region) in the XVIII – XIX centuries. The author notes that this issue is practically not reflected in Ukrainian historical science. Among the few studies, there are local lore articles by Novopskov local historian V. Yaroshenko, collected on the site „History of our region on the river Aidar and beyond!”. The author considers it necessary to fill this scientific gap, especially since its study, among other things, allows us to consider the historical preconditions for the formation of the Ukrainian national movement in the first half of the nineteenth century. The pedigree of the Ostrogozhsky colonels Tevyashev, whose efforts brought to the settlement of Osinovo and surrounding lands, as well as the construction of the Holy Dormition Church are considered in the article. It is noted that the Tevyashevs had permanent ties with G. Skovoroda (who visited their estates) and with K. Ryleyev, who was the son-in-law of a representative of the family – Mikhail Tevyashev. The process of formation of Tevyashev's political views is shown, which significantly influenced the process of formation of the Ukrainian national movement of the first half of the XIX century As a result of the study, the author concludes that the legends about the visit of G. Skovoroda and K. Ryleyev Osinivska Church are reflecting the real history of communication of these prominent figures of Ukrainian / Russian culture with representatives of the Slobozhansky Cossack family Tevyashev, who took a direct part in the process of creating both Osinovka and the Church of the Assumption on its territory. Note that this communication gave impetus and socio-political context to the further development of the national movement in Ukraine in the first half of the nineteenth century. The article notes that this topic will be systematically and comprehensively studied in future scientific publications.


Author(s):  
Marianna H. Zagazezheva

The article examines the features of the Adyghe-Russian relations in the works of the Adyghe educators. Their lives, activities, and socio-political views indicate the complexity and ambiguity of the Adyghe-Russian relations at all stages of their historical interaction. The history of relations between the Adyghes and Russia is full of both military clashes and periods of military cooperation, processes of rapprochement and mutual cultural enrichment. The author formulated and substantiated the idea that the historical context played the main role in the development of the views of the Adyghe enlighteners. The main feature of the worldview of the representatives of the Adyghe intelligentsia - duality is revealed. This was due to the simultaneous belonging of the Adyghe enlighteners to two cultures: Adyghe and Russian. Adyghe enlighteners advocated the integration of the people into the Russian Empire, but openly criticized the military-power methods of conquering the Adyghes. They proposed a number of measures for the peaceful integration of Circassians into the territorial, political, legal and cultural space of Russia, while preserving their national identity.


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