scholarly journals Exploring Tangible and Intangible Heritage and its Resilience as a Basis to Understand the Cultural Landscapes of Saxon Communities in Southern Transylvania (Romania)

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 3102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ileana Pătru-Stupariu ◽  
Marioara Pascu ◽  
Matthias Bürgi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Landscapes ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
Landscape Management ◽  
Intangible Cultural Heritage ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
Intangible Heritage ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Land Use Practices

Landscape researchers tend to reduce the diversity of tangible heritage to physical aspects of cultural landscapes, from the wealth of intangible heritage they focus on land-use practices which have a direct and visible impact on the landscape. We suggest a comprehensive assessment of both tangible and intangible heritage, in order to more accurately assess the interconnection of local identity and the shaping of cultural landscapes. As an example, we looked at Saxon culture and cultural landscapes in southern Transylvania (Romania), where we assessed features of tangible and intangible cultural heritage, identified their resilience and the driving forces of their change. Our analysis, based on 74 interviews with residents in ten villages in southern Transylvania, showed a high resilience of tangible heritage and a low resilience of intangible heritage. A major factor responsible for changes in the Saxon heritage was a decline in the population at the end of the Cold War, due to migration, driven by political and economic factors. We conclude by discussing the specific merits of such an analysis for integrated landscape management.

Prologue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Expression ◽  
Intangible Heritage ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Print Literacy

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.

scholarly journals Constructivism in International Relations: from a theory between positivism and postpositivism to the theory of the world state

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Anwar Mohamed Faraj ◽  
Tara Taha Othman
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Theoretical Study ◽  
Cultural Factors ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
World State ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Constructivism emerged at the end of the Cold War and entered into IR theories debate by criticizing the rationalists (neo-liberal and neo-realist) on the one hand and critics on the other, accusing them of failing to predict and explain the end of the Cold War. While rationalists focus on material and economic factors, constructivists focus on cultural factors, the influence of ideas, norms and identities on the explanation of processes of interest formation, how to define survival and defining mechanisms of international politics, and emphasize that interest and identity interact through socio-historical processes and constitute each other. Thus, constructivism belongs to the fourth debate in the theoretical study of International Relations and it is one of the post-positivist theories, but it attempts to serve as a bridge between the positivist and post-positivist approaches. For example, if post-positivist theories are criticized, because of suffering from providing a realistic alternative versus of the description and explanation offered by rational theories, constructivism tries to overcome this criticism and it is able to provide the research program required to remove the post-positivist dilemma, by providing the practical hypotheses required by the establishment of a theory to describe and explain the reality of international relations. However, constructivism is not immune from criticism, it is accused that it does not offer anything new and exaggerates the understanding of cultural factors such as norms and identities and their impact on the reality of international relations, as well as its epistemological and methodological problems and its internal divisions between modern constructivists and postmodern constructivists.

The Economics of Violent Conflict and War in Africa

2014 ◽  
pp. 704-723
Author(s):  
Anke Hoeffler
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Specific Model ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Weak States ◽  
Global Models ◽  
The Past ◽  
African Experience ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
The Cold War

During the past 50 years Africa has experienced high levels of violent conflict. Historically, African wars have not led to state formation but have been destructive in character. Resulting weak states have found it difficult to deter rebellions. Since the end of the Cold War the number of conflicts has declined worldwide but Africa has not followed the global trend. Predictions suggest that African conflict levels will remain high. This chapter examines the commonly cited causes of violent conflict, such as historical, geographic, demographic and economic factors. One conclusion is that there is no evidence for an African exceptionalism: the global models explain the African experience; there is no need for an Africa-specific model.

Why Asian states cooperate in regional arrangements: Asian regionalism in comparative perspective

2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110289
Author(s):  
Diana Panke ◽  
Jürgen Rüland
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Asian Regionalism ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

Regional cooperation in Asia takes place in formal Regional Organizations (ROs) as well as in less formal Regional Fora (RF). In addition, unlike in other parts of the world, Asian regionalism mainly developed in one instead of two waves. Especially after the end of the Cold War, Asian countries created numerous ROs and RF. Over time, Asian states became members of several ROs and RF at the same time, thereby contributing to Asian regime complexity. Given that multiple memberships in regional cooperation agreements can place high demands on diplomatic and financial resources of member states, the fact that Asian states became members in between one and 17 ROs and RF is puzzling. This article investigates why Asian countries join regional cooperation agreements. Based on a theory-guided empirical analysis that combines quantitative and qualitative methods, it argues that hedging and economic interests are the main driving forces behind Asian regionalism and that these motivations are often interlinked.

scholarly journals Military expenditure and economic growth: A survey

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Paul Dunne ◽  
Nan Tian
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Theoretical Approach ◽  
Statistical Significance ◽  
Military Expenditure ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Empirical Methods ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
Time Periods ◽  
The Cold War

Until recently, a long-standing, impressively large, and growing literature on the effects of military expenditure on economic growth appeared to have failed to result in a scholarly consensus. But the availability of 20 more years of data since the thawing of the cold war has helped researchers to make progress in identifying any relation of military expenditure with economic factors. The literature is complex and difficult to summarize, with studies differing in their theoretical approach, in the empirical methods used, in the coverage of countries and time periods employed, and in their quality and statistical significance. This article extends and updates an earlier survey, now covering almost 170 studies. It finds that more recent studies provide stronger evidence of a negative effect of military expenditure on economic growth.

Communist Europe and the Kurdish Question During the Cold War (1940s 1980s)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-187
Author(s):  
Etienne Forestier-Peyrat
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Direct Contact ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Specific Situation ◽  
Central European ◽  
Kurdish Question ◽  
Kurdish Issue ◽  
The Cold War

While abundant scholarship has been produced concerning the Kurdish diaspora in Western Europe, little is known about the development of Kurdish communities in Central and Eastern Europe, especially during the Cold War. This paper analyses the specific situation of the Kurds in Communist Europe through the prism of Bulgaria, a frontline country in direct contact with the Middle East from the 1940s until the end of the 1980s. It demonstrates the weight of diplomatic and economic factors in explaining the persistent difficulty faced by Central European regimes in conceiving of the Kurdish issue beyond separate national fighting grounds. Abstract in Kurmanji Ewropaya komunîst û pirsgirêka kurd li serdema Şerê Sar (salên 1940î-1980î) Li gel berdariya xebatên akademîk ên li ser diyasporaya kurd li Ewropaya rojava, em xwediyên agahiyên pir kêm in li ser pêkhatina civatên kurd li Ewropaya naverast û rojhilat, nemase li serdema Şerê Sar. Ev nivîsar li rewşa taybet a Kurdên Ewropaya komunîst dikole û bi xusûsî li ser Bulgaristanê disekine, ku welatekî li ser sînor e û, ji salên 1940î ta dawiya salên 1980î, rasterast bi Rojhilata Navîn re di nav têkiliyan de bû. Bi vî hawî, nivîsar giraniya faktorên aborî û dîplomatîk derdixe pêş bo ravekirina zehmetiyên mayînde yên rejîmên Ewropaya naverast di ponijîna pirsgirêka kurd li derveyî meydanên ceng ên neteweyên cihê de. Abstract in Sorani Ewrupay komonîzt û dozî Kurdekan le serdemî cengî sarda (sallekanî 1940-1980) Le ‌katêk da twêjînewey zor le ser Kurdekan le Ewrupay rojawa, le tarawge berhemhênrawe, zanyarî kem le ser geşesendinî komellgey kurdî le Ewropay nawerrast û rojhellatî da heye, be taybetî le serdemî Cengî Sar da. Em twêjînewey şirovey barudoxî taybetî Kurdekanî Ewrupay komonîzt le rêgay Bulgaryawe, ke dewlletêkî berey ceng bû û peywendî rastewxoy legell Rojhellatî Nawerrast da le sallanî 1940ewe ta 1980ewe hebuwe. Twêjîneweke qursayî faktere dîplomatî û abûriyekan derdexat, be rûnkirdinewey astengî hewlle ‌berdawemekanî rûberruwî rijêmekanî Ewrupay nawerrast botewe le têgeyştin le dozî Kurdekan be der le kêşeyekî rûberrûbunewey neteweyi serbexo. Abstract in Zazaki Ewropaya komunîste û wextê Cengê Serdinî de (1940an-1980an) mesela kurdan Herçiqas ke derheqê dîyasporaya kurdanê Ewropaya Rojawanî de xeylê eserê zanyarî ameyê dayene kî, derheqê averşîyayîşê komelanê kurdanê Ewropaya Mîyanên û Rojhelatî de zanayîş hîna kêmî yo, bitaybetî demê Cengê Serdinî ser o. No nuşte rewşa taybetî yê kurdanê Ewropaya Komunîste analîz keno. Analîz pê prîzmaya Bulgarîstanî yeno kerdene: welatêkê serê cebheyî ke 1940an ra heta peynîya 1980an Rojhelatê Mîyanênî de têkilîya xo ya rasteraste estbî. Bi musnayîşê giranîya faktoranê ekonomîk û dîplomatîkan ra îzah beno ke rejîmanê Ewropaya Mîyanêne cenggehanê neteweyîyanê cîyakerdeyan ra teber fehmkerdişê mesela kurdan de tim zehmetîye antêne.

Economics and the Cold War

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Economic Aspect ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Contemporary Research ◽  
Soviet Communism ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter explores the economic aspect of the Cold War. It analyzes historiographic debates on the role of economic factors in the Cold War and discusses the nature and scope of the conflict between the rival economic systems of Western capitalism and Soviet communism. The chapter describes the structures of the Western and Soviet-led economic orders and the interaction between the two blocs during the Cold War. It also examines contemporary research concerning the effectiveness of the strategic embargo employed by the Western states against the communist nations and highlights the role of economic issues in the ending of the Cold War.

A Test of Huntington’s Thesis

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunes Gokmen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
Temporal Dependence ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

AbstractThis paper tests Huntington’s the Clash of Civilizations hypothesis evaluating the impact of civilizations on militarized interstate disputes. In particular, we investigate whether countries that belong to different civilizations tend to be more involved in conflict than countries that belong to the same civilization. We show that over the period of 1816-2001, dissimilarity in civilization in a dyad has no effect on conflict involvement. However, even after controlling for temporal dependence, and for geographic, political, military and economic factors, being part of different civilizations in the post-Cold War period brings about 63.6% higher probability of conflict than belonging to the same civilization, whereas this effect is insignificant during the Cold War.

Globalization and national governance: antinomy or interdependence?

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 59-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
LINDA WEISS
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New World ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
World Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Economies

‘Regardless of how you define or measure it, globalization is real and its impact on state power is significant’, says the globalist. ‘But how do you know?’ replies the sceptic. In this opening interchange one sees the origin of a controversy that after almost a decade shows few signs of abating. Globalists continue to maintain that there are big, fin-de-siècle transformations under way in the world at large, which can be laid at the door of something called globalization. This new era—popularized as a ‘world without borders’ and symbolized by the dismantling of the Berlin Wall—ostensibly came into its own where the Cold War left off. Globalists of all shades see a new world order in the making, marked by the de-territorialization of economic and political affairs, the ascendance of highly mobile, transnational forms of capital, and the growth of global forms of governance. By the same token, globalization sceptics, scrutinizing very similar empirical terrain, continue to pose the same insistent question. The dispute between globalists and sceptics is not about the reality of change; it is about the nature and significance of the changes under way as well as the driving forces behind them. ‘There is something out there’, agree the sceptics, but it is not necessarily, or even primarily, responsible for what is going on ‘in here’. The changes that fundamentally interest globalists are usually less economic than political. That is to say that their efforts to analyse or demonstrate economic change—the extent to which national economies have become more interconnected through trade, production, finance, and the growing web of international rules and institutions—are often a prelude to the political project.

scholarly journals Nordic Security and Defence Cooperation: Differentiated Integration in Uncertain Times

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 100-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rikard Bengtsson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Transatlantic Security ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Analytical Perspective ◽  
Differentiated Integration ◽  
Defence Cooperation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Nordic Cooperation

A decade ago, Nordic cooperation on security and defence matters gained momentum, having been largely absent from the map of Nordic cooperation during the Cold War and its aftermath. This article analyses developments along three dimensions of Nordic cooperation: military defence (focusing on the Nordic Defence Cooperation), civil security (in the form of the ‘Haga’ process), and political cooperation (through the implementation of the Stoltenberg report). Three observations stand out as a result: First, that the three dimensions are intimately related against the background of a common Nordic conceptualization of security; second, that there is simultaneously variation in significant respects (such as driving forces, scope, and degree of institutionalization); and third, that Nordic security and defence cooperation has developed in the context of European and transatlantic security dynamics and cooperation. The second part of the analysis seeks to interpret this picture from the analytical perspective of differentiated integration. The article ends with a set of reflections on the future of Nordic security and defence cooperation in light of the Coronavirus pandemic.

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