Organization of Individual Counselling of Children Brought up in Foster Families (on the example of the «Family» Centre»)

2020 ◽  
pp. 42-50
Author(s):  
Aygul Fazlyeva ◽  
Aliya Akhmetshina

Children, brought up in foster families, experience various problems (diffi culties in interpersonal relationships with parents, diffi culties in communicating with peers, emotional instability), which lead to confl icts, quarrels, running away from home, destructive phenomena, etc. One of the eff ective forms of working with children brought up in foster families is individual counselling. Individual counselling is used by various specialists (psychologists, educators, psychotherapists), where a special place is taken by a social educator. His or her activity involves the implementation of social-protective, preventive, educational, informational, advisory functions. In the process of organizing individual counseling, the social educator takes into account the social situation of the family and the child, personal characteristics, social conditions, social and cultural characteristics and the nature of the relationship with the social environment. To organize individual counseling, a social educator needs to master various and eff ective techniques, and take into account a number of recommendations. An analysis of the literature and practical socio-pedagogical experience led to an understanding of the insuffi cient degree of elaboration of this issue. The purpose of this article was the solution to this problem.

Author(s):  
Brittany Pearl Battle

This chapter examines the sociocognitive dimensions of cultural categorizations of deservingness. The social issue of poverty has been a persistent source of debate in the American system of policy development, influenced by conceptual distinctions between the “haves” and “have-nots,” “working moms” and “unemployed dads,” and the “deserving poor” and the “undeserving poor.” Although there is a wealth of literature discussing the ideological underpinnings of stratification systems, these discussions often focus on categorical distinctions between the poor and the nonpoor, with much less discussion of distinctions made among the poor. Moreover, while scholars of culture and policy have long referenced the importance of cultural categories of worthiness in policy development, the theoretical significance of these distinctions has been largely understudied. I expand the discourse on the relationship between cultural representations of worth and social welfare policy by exploring how these categories are conceptualized. Drawing on analytical tools from a sociology of perception framework, I create a model that examines deservingness along continuums of morality and eligibility to highlight the taken-for-granted cultural subtleties that shape perceptions of the poor. I focus on social filters created by norms of poverty, welfare, and the family to explore how the deserving are differentiated from the undeserving.


Author(s):  
Neama Mostafa RaKaban ◽  
Hanaa Saeed Salama

The research aims to study the relationship between the management strategies of the small projects of the workers in their dimensions: (Project phase strategy, making decisions, the project management strategy of financial production, Marketing Productive Management Strategy, the strategy of managing productive legal projects) with satisfaction with life dimensions: (Psychological compatibility, Self-compliance, Work environment, and Social compatibility) . The research sample consisted of 102 persons working in four small projects, "Ceramics - Bamboo - Serma - Hand Carpets". They were selected in a pesky-purpose manner from the employees of these projects in Sakiet Abu Shaara village, Sentris, Menoufia Governorate and 10th of Ramadan City. "General data form", "Project Management Strategies scale", and "measure of satisfaction with life" were applied. The study followed the descriptive and analytical approach. The data were categorized and analyzed using appropriate statistical methods through the SPSS statistical program such as number and percentages, arithmetic mean, standard deviation, T-test, Pearson correlation coefficient, Chi-square and F-test. The most important results are related to the relationship between the project management strategy and the financial productivity and self-compliance at the level of significance of 0.01, which means that the realization of the requirements of the project in terms of finance and meet the needs, resulting in self-compatibility.  There is also a correlation between the project management strategy and the business environment at the level of 0.01 meaning that whenever the project needs to be met in terms of funding and meet the needs of the project as this leads to compatibility with the place of residence of the project and the surrounding environment, there is an inverse correlation Between the social situation and the decision-making at the level of significance of 0.01, which means that the greater the number of employees are married the less ability to make the decisions needed in those small projects, which means the impact of the ability to make decisions on the social situation of the individual. There were statistically significant differences between the averages of the different projects in terms of the overall project management strategy according to the dwelling. The highest value was for the medium in the ceramics project and the lowest in the hand carpets where the ceramic represents the highest average 2.000 while the carpets represent the lowest average by 1.809 at the level of significance 0.1. There were significant differences between the mean of the various projects in terms of satisfaction with total life according to the dimension of psychological compatibility and the highest value for the average in the hand carpet project where the results showed that the average and standard deviation of hand carpets is (23.745 ± 4.38) The recommendations of the government, decision-makers and ministries to establish a culture of entrepreneurship and motivate young people to set up private projects through the media, paying attention to the enactment of laws on small projects to motivate young people to establish and develop small and micro enterprises, In various stages to ensure the success and continuity of the project.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 1365-1370
Author(s):  
Vesna Stefanovska

Left realism emerges in the early 1980s as a separate department, or direction within the neo-Marxist critical criminology. It results from dissatisfaction and certain criticisms of the foundations on which critical criminology is built, which left realists call left idealism. Namely, they are called realists because, in their view, crime should be considered in its reality, and the causes that led to criminal behavior should be seriously looked at, which means that leftist realists focus on already experienced realities. Hence, the issues of interest to left realists are the problems faced by certain groups regarding their age, class, sex, race and place of residence. They have some similarities with structural subcultural theories, arguing that crime is a form of subcultural adaptation to lived problems and realities. The basis is that due to material constraints and circumstances, the required cultural goals and aspirations cannot be achieved by legally disposable means. The central postulate of left realism is to reflect the reality of crime, in its origin, nature and influence. This means that crime cannot be romanticized or it cannot be explained as a product of the offender's pathology or other personal characteristics. Real problems related to the crime need to be considered and resolved. In this respect, the issues of left realism are the problems that citizens face, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, the geographical distribution of crime, as well as the prevalence of crime in certain social areas and sectors of the community. They are particularly concerned about ignoring the crime that is taking place on the streets by truly disadvantaged and marginalized citizens, as well as the crime that takes place behind closed doors, particularly in the family. So, the perspectives of the left realists are that street crime is a serious problem for the working class, working class crime is primarily committed against other working class members, relative poverty feeds the dissatisfaction and that dissatisfaction, in the absence of political solutions creates crime, and crime can be reduced by implementing practical social policies.On the basis of what has been stated, in this paper we will elaborate the critiques of critical criminology stated by the proponents of Left Realism , a Square of crime that offers appropriate solutions for criminal and social response to crime and perspectives of left realism that predominantly rely on community-based policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri Andrea Arango-Bernal

Objetivo: analizar los significados que construyen las madres de personas en condición de hemofilia, sobre ser portadoras de la enfermedad. Materiales y Métodos: Estudio cualitativo con enfoque del interaccionismo simbólico que, a través de una etnografía particularista y el uso de entrevistas semiestructuradas, observaciones y revisión documental, rescató el punto de vista de 17 madres pertenecientes a la Liga Antioqueña de Hemofílicos que participaron de manera voluntaria y residen en diferentes municipios del departamento de Antioquia. Resultados: Las participantes se reconocen a sí mismas como seres potenciales, es decir, no sólo como trasmisoras o cuidadoras de la enfermedad de sus hijos, sino como sujetos cognoscentes de su realidad dispuestas a reflexionar sobre sus aprendizajes e incorporarlos a favor de la relación consigo mismas y con los demás. Los significados más relevantes son: empezar a vivir con hemofilia, asumir la enfermedad, la familia, el cuidado y la crianza, la relación con los servicios de salud, caminando con algo que no se puede desprender y darse cuenta. Conclusiones: La salud colectiva es la posibilidad de tener un acercamiento más comprensivo al proceso salud – enfermedad – atención de los colectivos humanos, tomando en cuenta las condiciones económicas, sociales y culturales en las que estos se inscriben. La pregunta por los significados de estas madres develó el tejido de lo individual y lo colectivo, como un asunto que trasciende el plano biológico de la enfermedad y da cuenta de la construcción social en la que confluyen prácticas, saberes, imaginarios y sentimientos.Palabras Clave: Cuidadores, enfermedad crónica, hemofilia A, madresSignifi cance of being a hemophilia carrierAbstractObjective: Analyzing the meanings that mothers of people with hemophilia, build about being carriers of the disease. Materials and methods: Study based on the qualitative method supported by the approach of symbolic interaction, which through a particularistic ethnography, and the use of semi-structured interviews, observations and document review, rescued the point of view of 17 mothers belonging to the Liga Antioqueña de Hemofílicos. They participated voluntarily and reside in different municipalities of Antioquia. Results: The participants recognize themselves as potential beings, that is, not only as disseminators or carers of the illness of their children, but as cognocentes subject of their reality willing to reflect on their learning and incorporate them in favor of the relationship with herself and others. The most important meanings are: start living with hemophilia, assuming the disease, the family, the care and upbringing, relationships with health services, walking with something that can not be detached and realize. Conclusions: Collective health is the ability to have a more comprehensive approach to process health - disease - care of human groups, taking into account the economic, social and cultural conditions in which they are registered. The question of the meaning of these mothers, unveiled the tissue of the individual and the collective, as a matter that transcends the biological level of the disease and accounts for the social construction that blends practices, knowledge, imaginary and feelings.Key Words: Hemophilia A, chronic disease, mothers, caregivers. Significado de ser portadora de hemofiliaResumo                                   Objetivo: Analisar os significados construídos pelas mães de pessoas com hemofilia, sobre ser portadores da doença. Materiais e Métodos: Estudo qualitativo com foco no interacionismo simbólico, que, através de uma etnografia individualista e o uso de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, observações e revisão documental, resgatou o ponto de vista de 17 mães pertencentes à Liga Antioquia de Hemófilos que participaram voluntariamente e residem em diferentes municípios do departamento de Antioquia. Resultados: Os participantes se reconhecem como seres potenciais, ou seja, não apenas como transmissores ou cuidadores da doença de seus filhos, mas como sujeitos cognitivos de sua realidade que estão dispostos a refletir sobre sua aprendizagem e a incorporá-los em favor do relacionamento com eles mesmos e com os outros. Os significados mais relevantes são: começar a viver com hemofilia, assumir a doença, família, cuidados e educação, relacionar-se com os serviços de saúde, caminhar com algo que você não pode separar e perceber. Conclusões: A saúde coletiva é a possibilidade de ter uma abordagem mais abrangente para o processo saúde-doença-cuidado de grupos humanos, levando em consideração as condições econômicas, sociais e culturais nas quais estão registradas. A questão dos significados dessas mães revela o tecido do indivíduo e o coletivo como um problema que transcende o plano biológico da doença e explica a construção social em que as práticas, o conhecimento, o imaginário e os sentimentos convergem.Palavras-Chave: Cuidadores, doenças crônicas, hemofilia A, mães  


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M H N Souza ◽  
T J Santos ◽  
R N Vasconcellos ◽  
M M Costa ◽  
A S Lira ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction The family life of a child with chronic illness is marked by several determinants and demands for care. Within that context, the greater the support received, the greater the resources available to face vulnerability, and to respond positively to guidance and care. Objectives describing the social network of families of children with chronic illness, and understanding the meaning of the relationship of the family caregiver with the members of his/her social network. Methods Qualitative research with nineteen relatives of children with chronic diseases at a rehabilitation center in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The theoretical framework of Sanicola's social network was used. Data were collected in November 2019 by semi-structured interviews and analyzed using the content analysis technique. The research was approved by the Ethics and Research Committee of the participating institutions. The social network map showed the presence of few members and mothers as the main caregivers. The main problems among children were: autism, Down syndrome, cognitive disorders and cerebral palsy. Among the most involved people with the caregivers, friends, sisters and grandparents stood out as the ones who offered material, financial and emotional support. Rehabilitation unit support (secondary level) and dissatisfaction with the primary health unit were mentioned. Conclusions The social network of children with chronic illness is a small family network marked by social vulnerability and the female gender as responsible for care. It is noteworthy that the weakness in the relationship with health professionals at primary care level can compromise care continuity. Therefore, it is recommended to professionals to know the social network of the clientele served, as well as interacting and strengthening this network in order to provide more effective actions for health protection, rehabilitation and supported self-care strategies. Key messages Chronic childhood disease is a major public health problem. Being aware of social network favors the implementation of more actions toward health protection, rehabilitation and supported self-care strategies.


Author(s):  
Alexandra M. Konovalova

Relevance. The article is devoted to the study of adolescents who do not have evaluative and/or prescribed respect for their parents as well as presents factors associated with disrespectful attitude to their parents: gender, family composition, financial security of the family, social status of the parent, features of upbringing and child-parent relationships. The disrespect for parents has not yet been studied in detail Objective. Identification of factors contributing to disrespectful attitude of adolescents towards their parents. Sample. In total, 294 people participated in the study: 218 adolescents aged 12 to 17 years; 76 parents of these adolescents aged 33 to 48 years. Methods. Adolescents were offered the author’s questionnaire “Respect for Parents”, the ADOR method — “Adolescents about Parents”, Parents answered questions from “Analysis of Family Relationships” (AFR). Results. Four groups of adolescents were identified based on cluster analysis of “Respect for parents” method: respectful, disrespectful, evaluatively respectful, and prescriptively respectful. It was found that boys do not respect their parents more often than girls. Adolescents from single-parent families are also more likely to disrespect their parents. The gender of the parent is not related to respect indicators. The social success of the parent and the financial security of the family are important factors associated with the respect of adolescents for their parents. The relationship of a large number of features of parenting and child-parent relations (both in the perception of adolescents — ADOR method and their parents — AFR method) with indicators of respect for parents among adolescents was analyzed. Conclusion. Adolescents may not have evaluative respect (conscious deference, the result of evaluating a person) or prescribed respect (the result of assimilating social norms of honoring elders) for their parents, or they may not fully respect them. Adolescents do not respect parents who lack psychological acceptance of children, lack parental feelings, and are hostile to them. Also, adolescents do not respect parents who show dominant hyperprotection


Pragmatics ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 681-706 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nieves Hernández-Flores

TV-panel discussions constitute a communicative genre with specific features concerning the situational context, the communicative goals, the roles played by the participants and the acts that are carried out in the interaction. In the Spanish TV-debate Cada día, discourse is characterized as semi-institutional because of having both institutional characteristics – due to its mediatic nature – and conversational characteristics. In the communicative exchanges the social situation of the participants is negotiated by communicative acts, that is, facework is realised. Facework concerns the speakers’ wants of face, both the individual face and the group face. In the present article face is described in cultural terms within the general face wants autonomy and affiliation and in accordance with the roles the speakers assume in interaction. In the analysis of an excerpt from the TV-debate Cada día two types of facework are identified: On the one hand politeness, that is, when an attempted balance between the speaker’s and the addressees’ face is aimed at and, on the other hand, self-facework, which appears when only the speaker’s face is focused on. No samples of the third case of facework, impoliteness, are found in this excerpt. The results of the analysis display the relationship between the communicative purposes of this communicative genre (to inform, to entertain and to convince people of political ideas) and the types of facework (politeness, self-facework) that are identified in the analysed data.


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