UIGHURS IN XINJIANG: ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION AND POLITICAL REPRESSION

2021 ◽  
pp. 173-175
Author(s):  
Anas Anas

This paper deals with the political economy of systematic discrimination of Uighurs in Xinjiang, the Turkish minority in the province by the Chinese Communist Party. The various economic projects like the Western Development Program(WDP) and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) further exacerbated the alienation of the ethnic minority. Through such programs, the Chinese government encouraged the Han population to Migrate into Xinjiang, and 'hanication'of the province culminated in widening the inequality and relative deprivation of the Uighurs. The tensions after the new development projects increased the secessionist and national tendencies among them. During the covid-19 outbreak, the government intensied the repressive measures, and the question of Uighurs in economic terms remains unresolved

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 1708
Author(s):  
Feng Kong ◽  
Shao Sun

The natural advantages of enterprises in capital, technology, and equipment make them have great potential in disaster management. How to ensure enterprises participate in disaster prevention and mitigation efficiently is a responsibility that the government must undertake, on the other hand, it can also relieve the pressure of the government. This paper first introduces the continuous improvement of enterprises’ role in disaster management. Then, this paper analyzes the political responsibility, legal responsibility, social responsibility, and economical responsibility of the government in an enterprises’ participation in disaster management. This paper further analyzes enterprises’ deficiencies in disaster management and the multi role of the government in enterprises’ participation in disaster management. Finally, this paper puts forward the pathways of the Chinese government to promote enterprises to participate in disaster management.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Djavad Salehi-Isfahani

During the last decade of the Pahlavi rule in Iran, rising oil income financed a very extensive development program in which both the state and the private sector accumulated huge amounts of wealth in real and financial capital. Having no direct access to the oil riches, the private sector accumulated much of its new wealth by direct and indirect subsidies from the government. Through various mechanisms, the state channeled resources to the private sector in an attempt to foster capitalist development of the country. While the strategy was successful insofar as it resulted in massive investment by the private sector, it was not without its ill side effects. This article is a study of the consequences, both intended and unintended, of one specific conduit for resource transfer—credit subsidy.


1979 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-219
Author(s):  
Teuku Mohammad Radhie

Systematical legal research in Indonesia has only developed in the last few years in conjunction with the implementation of the country's national law development program which is aimed at the creation of a new legal system. Efforts to develop a new and national legal system to replace the existing system inherited from the colonial period actually started as early as 1958 when the government set up the Institute for National Law Development. It is a matter of much regret that despite the good start it made and the favourable atmosphere it enjoyed, the Institute ultimately did not produce any significant results which could form the basis for a new national legal system. The deterioration of the political climate in the sixties made it impossible for the Institute to carry out its task properly.


2019 ◽  
Vol 238 ◽  
pp. 331-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongshun Cai ◽  
Titi Zhou

AbstractChinese citizens commonly take to the internet to voice complaints concerning their daily lives. The political hierarchy in China dictates that local governments are primarily responsible for addressing such grievances. This study investigates how local governments deal with online complaints and finds that they respond in a variety of ways and that their choice of a particular form of response is shaped by the pressure generated by the complaint and the cost of resolving it. This study contributes to the understanding of government responsiveness in China by directly assessing the quality of governmental responses and by measuring the pressure and costs faced by the government when dealing with online complaints. It also explains how the Chinese government, without having to rely on censorship, shields regime legitimacy from media exposure.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Ingrid d’Hooghe

Summary China’s growing confidence on the world stage under the leadership of President Xi Jinping is reflected in the country’s more active, vocal and, lately, even ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy. It is also clearly visible in China’s public diplomacy approach, where priorities have shifted from advertising Chinese culture as the country’s major source of soft power to promoting China’s models of domestic and global governance. The Chinese government proudly presents policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative and, more recently China’s approach to the COVID-19 pandemic, as improvements in global governance or sometimes even as Chinese ‘gifts’ to the world. This article argues that under President Xi, the content and form of China’s public diplomacy have changed. China’s public diplomacy has hardened, it is more strongly controlled by the Chinese Communist Party and the content of China’s public diplomacy messages have become more political.


Author(s):  
Yaza Azzahara Ulyana

This research aims to describe the concept of transnational terrorism, relative deprivation and fundamentalism in various terrorism acts that occurred in Indonesia. The research method is qualitative and the type of research is explanatory that explain the cause of terrorism acts that influence by the global actors, fundamentalist that reject the changes and also satisfy the expectation in many aspects in the country from economics to the politics. The results of this research indicate that most of the terrorism cases in Indonesia has various motives starting from their mission in bringing the country led by a caliphate to enforcing the regulations of the country based on the Islamic teachings. Viewed from the perspective of social movements, framing, and resource mobilization strategies seen in the rejection‟s movements of the Transnational Islamic Organization. In addition, the political opportunity structure in the reformation era makes the system and political structure existed became more open. It has provided an opportunity for Transnational Islamic Organization to conduct its movement in criticizing the government.


Author(s):  
Pitman B. Potter ◽  
Sophia Woodman

This chapter chapter provides a critical review of Charter 08's compatibility and inconsistency with the existing constitutional and legal order. Charter 08 is a sophisticated document that both reflects a Western bourgeois agenda in advocating a new liberal order and engages the existing system in calling on the Party-state to live up to its own rhetoric of rights. Because the charter adopts official rights discourses to challenge the government, it opens a window of opportunity for a possible alliance between the Chartists outside the political system and reformers within the political system. In the end, the perceived danger of Charter 08 can only be understood within China's segmented publics, in which the Chinese government sets formal and informal rules to limit discussions of particular issues to specific institutional spaces.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (10) ◽  
pp. 4703-4725
Author(s):  
Zhaoyang Gu ◽  
Song Tang ◽  
Donghui Wu

In China’s transitional economy, one of the major objectives of the government is to maintain social stability. We hypothesize that, through state ownership and appointment of executives, Chinese government officials can influence firms’ labor employment decisions by limiting layoffs when firms’ sales decline. Consistent with this hypothesis, we find that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have stickier labor costs than non-SOEs, and the presence of politically connected managers makes labor costs even stickier in SOEs while having little effect in non-SOEs. Such effects are stronger in regions with weak market institutions and during time periods when government officials are to be promoted. We also show that the government reciprocates SOEs’ sticky labor policies with subsequent subsidies. This paper was accepted by Suraj Srinivasan, accounting.


2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven J. Balla ◽  
Zhou Liao

In recent years, the Chinese government has increasingly utilised online consultation as a means of providing citizens with opportunities to offer feedback on draft laws and regulations. As little is known about the operation of online consultation, this article analyses the content of citizen feedback submitted on a revision to China's health system proposed by the National Development and Reform Commission. Citizen engagement with the political and substantive issues under consideration is crucial if online consultation is to impact government decision-making and enhance the performance of laws and regulations. This paper's main findings are that it was common for comments to address substantive issues in great depth, as well as express negative assessments of government decisions. This suggests that online consultation holds promise as an instrument of governance reform, which the Chinese Communist Party has embraced as a means of cultivating popular support.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


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