scholarly journals Telaah Fenomenologis Patrimonialisme Budaya Politik Terhadap Konflik Sunnî-Shî‘ah Madura

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Jatim Jatim

The article attempts to discover the violence conflict between the Sunnî and the Shî‘ah Muslim communities in Karang Gayam and Blu’uran, Sampang, Madura. The conflict between the two communities has occurred since 2005 to 2013, and has escalated from one event to another. The conflict has caused the expulsion of Shî‘ah people out of Madura island to the refugee’s flats of Puspa Agro Sidoarjo on June 20, 2013. Based on the evidences found, the research is intended to study the phenomenon using phenomenological and patrimonial-political-cultural approa-ches. The study finds that the conflict itself has been caused by a set of hatred discourses and accusation of being heretic, which have been intensely propagated by the local religious elites, i.e. kiai against the Shî‘ah community led by Tajul Muluk. Moreover, the conflict escalation was, among other, due mainly to the strength of patronage relations of the kiais to infiltrate their hegemony and produce the mass to commit violent actions. Incongruously, the power of patronage has been also benefited by the government and many political elites to maintain their political electability and votes. As a result, the government seems to be reluctant to show a firm attitude by enforcing the existing rules to deal with the issue.

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bent Nørby Bonde

Abstract The publication of twelve Mohammed in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten (JP) led to consumer boycotts, burning embassies and official demands for UN to intervene. The article analyses why the religious protests in Denmark generated the astonishing international reactions. It concludes that a very hostile rhetoric against Muslims in Denmark and mounting international tensions were important pre-disposing causes for the conflict. In an analysis of the strategy used by Imams from the Danish Muslim communities the article concludes that they chose a policy of conflict escalation and mobilisation through keeping focus on the religious dimension of the crisis. The article points to several options, which were not used by the Danish government to de-escalate the conflict and illustrates how the government contributed to conflict escalation by making the case solely a matter of defending freedom of expression. Finally the article suggests some lessons to be learned, if other cross-cultural crises should appear in European countries in the future.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.


Author(s):  
Ahmad Muttaqin ◽  
Achmad Zainal Arifin ◽  
Firdaus Wajdi

This paper elucidates a map of Indonesian Muslim communities around Sydney in order to observe the possibility to promote a moderate and tolerance of Indonesian Islam worldwide. Indonesian Muslims who live in Australia are relatively small if we consider that we are the closer neighbor of Australia and have the biggest Muslim populations in the world. Most Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are in a form of kelompok pengajian (Islamic study group), which is commonly based on ethnicity, regionalism (province and regency), and religious affiliation with Indonesian Islamic groups. The main problems of Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are an ambiguous identity, laziness integration, and dream to home country. Most Indonesian Muslim diaspora in Sydney only consider Australia as the land for making money. Therefore, their inclusion to Australian community is just being Indonesian Muslim in Australia and it seems hard for them to be Australian Muslim, especially in the case of those who already changed to be Australian citizens. This kind of diaspora attitude differs from Muslims Diasporas from the Middle East and South Asia countries who are mostly ready to be fully Australian Muslim.Naturally, most Indonesian Muslim communities put their emphasis to develop their community based on social needs and try to avoid political idea of Islamism. In this case, the Indonesian government, through the Indonesian Consulate in Sydney, has great resources to promote moderate and tolerant views of Indonesian Islam to other Muslim communities, as well as to Western media. In optimizing resources of Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney to envoy Indonesian cultures and policies, it is necessary for Indonesian government to have a person with integrated knowledge on Islamic Studies who are working officially under the Indonesian consulate in Sydney. It is based on the fact that most Indonesian Muslim communities needs a patron from the government to manage and soften some differences among them, especially related to problems of identities, as well as to link them with the wider Australian communities.


Significance PALU’s call is the latest in a flurry of recent political activity, as Congo’s political elites scramble to cement alliances based on a newfound belief that elections, delayed since 2016, are now becoming a realistic prospect. Impacts Electronic voting systems will increase the potential for fraud. The UN peacekeeping mission’s new mandate may feature strong words but few surprises. Congo’s slight economic recovery will bolster the government.


Subject Tensions among South Sudanese political elites. Significance In January, President Salva Kiir accused his former army chief Paul Malong Awan of fomenting a new rebellion. Even if this latest escalation in the standoff between the former allies does not result in armed hostilities, it could still destabilise the government, as well as communal relations within South Sudan’s majority Dinka ethnic group, to which both men belong. Impacts Salary arrears could accelerate possible army fractures. Unrest in Greater Bahr el Ghazal could aggravate a fragile humanitarian situation. General malaise in government may see further political fissures emerge.


Subject Government-business relations. Significance President Evo Morales’s government has established a collaborative working relationship with the country’s most powerful business elites that belies its leftist rhetoric. This is based on an understanding that while government offers large corporate interests favourable economic conditions, business groups will refrain from conspiring against the government in the political sphere. Thus, the government has managed to minimise the sort of pro-regional tensions that characterised its first term in office (2006-10), driving a wedge between economic and political elites. Impacts The economic policies pursued by the Morales administration will continue to prove, broadly, good for business. Smaller-scale businesses have been less beneficially treated, but lack political lobbying power. Avoidance of strife with the more powerful business groups will continue to help underpin political stability.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Eko Harry Susanto

After the 1998 political reform in Indonesia, conflicts between groups of different religions and beliefs continued to occur, regardless of the fact that attempts to bolster diversity have been carried out legally and formally by the government and the political elites. In view of such condition, this research attempts to disclose conflicts which increasingly pose dangers on national heterogeneity, various factors which create religious-based conflicts, the roles of government and political elites in handling such conflicts and the communication strategy adopted to establish a civilized heterogenous society. The research methodology is qualitative with its main focus on online data related with conflicts in Indonesia. Online data processing was performed to support the description of conflicts based on religions and beliefs in all its forms which potentially threat national unity in Indonesia. The findings of this research are as follows: Increasing frequency of conflicts, powerplay politics as fuel for conflicts, unoptimized roles of the government and political elites and lack of communication strategy substance between groups by those responsible for public security and welfare. 


Author(s):  
Muhammad Rivai Abbas

The study attempts to look at the existing inter-religious peace and harmony in Manado. The focus is an attempt to compare between Manado and Ambon which are similar in terms of demographic composition, historical background, political and cultural values but at the same time both are different; the former was in conflict, while the latter was an area of peace during the conflict escalation that engulfed some parts of East Indonesia. This study also tries to look at the strategy of Christian and Muslim communities in both cities in dealing with social tensions. In addition, this article specifically tries to explain factors that contribute to the presence of peace in Manado and its absence in Ambon. Subsequently, attention is also paid to the impact and mechanisms used by the elite in maintaining peace in Manado. This study uncovers some interesting findings. First, there are five elements that support the existence of peace in Manado: education, cultural values (local wisdom), economic situations, spiritual understanding, and the role of the elite. Second, inter-religious peace and harmony can exist in Manado, because of the synergy and cooperation of these three levels of leadership. Third, although the theory of Lederach seems to suggest that top-level leaders are the most dominant element of the elite, it is found that the role of grassroots leaders including leaders of congregations (imam, ustadz, clergymen, and priests) is more vital as their more directly involved in the daily activities of society. Fourth, the mechanisms of these elites seem to be various in every stage of leadership.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-154
Author(s):  
Muhammed Haron

During 3-5 September 2007, scholars associated with University of Witwatersrand’sDepartment of Anthropology and key members of the Johannesburg-based Institute of French Studies in South Africa explored ways toengage South African and French scholars in forms of cooperation. Toaddress this event’s focus, “Muslim Cultures in South Africa and France,”the organizers brought along the School of Social Sciences and Humanities(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg) and the Institut d’Etudesde l’Islam et des Societes du Monde Musulman (Ecole des Hautes enSciences Sociales [EHESS]) to partner with them.The theme, “Islam, Democracy, and Public Life in South Africa and inFrance,” identified three basic objectives: to re-imagine Islam as an objectof academic enquiry, explore the epistemological dimensions of the study ofIslam, and foster scientific networks. The organizers highlighted a key question:“How do Muslims employ their religion to explain and clarify theirposition and role in public life in South Africa and France?” and identifiedthree focus areas: The Status ofMinority Religions: The Case of Islam; ReligiousIdentity - Political Identity; and Trans-nationalism/regionalism.The “Southern Africa” panel, chaired by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti(French Institute of South Africa [IFAS]), consisted of Alan Thorold’s (Universityof Melbourne) “Malawi and the Revival of Sufism,” SamadiaSadouni’s (Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research [WISER])“Muslim Communities in South Africa,” Liazzat Bonate’s (Eduardo MondlaneUniversity) “Leadership of Islam in Mozambique,” and Eric Germain’s(EHESS) “Inter-ethnic Muslim Dialogue in South Africa.” Sadouni examinedsuch crucial concepts as religious minorities and extracted examplesfrom both countries. Thorold, who analyzed Sufism’s revival in Malawi,relied on the work of ErnestGellner. Some participants, however, argued thathis ideas have been surpassed by more informed theoretical scholarship.Bonate reflected upon the differences that played out within northernMozambique’s Muslim communities vis-à-vis the government. Germain,who explored early Cape Muslim social history, provocatively argued thatmuch could be learned from this community’s make-up and attitude. Asexpected, he was criticized for sketching a romantic picture.The “Media and Power” panel, chaired by Eric Worby, featured GabebaBaderoon’s (post-doctoral fellow, Penn StateUniversity’sAfricana ResearchCenter) “Islam and the Media in South Africa.” She traced how Islam ...


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