scholarly journals N. I. BUKHARIN’S SOVIET MARXIST PHILOSOPHY IN 1917–1928

Author(s):  
В.Н. Пинчук

Анализируются мировоззренческие взгляды видного представителя советской номенклатуры Николая Ивановича Бухарина, который, наряду с В. И. Лениным, И. В. Сталиным, Л. Д. Троцким, Л. Б. Каменевым, Г. Е. Зиновьевым и А. В. Луначарским, входил в так называемый круг большевистских вождей. В отличие от многих высокопоставленных советских чиновников его отличали философская эрудиция и талант публициста. Его мировоззрение существенным образом повлияло на проведение внутренней и внешней политики Советского государства в 1917–1928 годах. В работах Бухарина в полной мере отражены его аксиологические, гносеологические и этические позиции. Так, для Бухарина главной политической ценностью является пролетарская диктатура, основным в гносеологии объявляется диалектический материализм, а этика большевистской власти вполне допускает «пролетарское принуждение», в том числе и расстрелы. Проведенное исследование позволило выявить, что Бухарин, как и все другие советские государственные деятели, являлся ортодоксальным марксистом, для которого авторитет Ленина был непререкаем. Вместе с тем его философское мировоззрение достаточно оригинально, о чем свидетельствуют его попытки классифицировать «фальсификации» марксизма, разделяя их на «фаталистический и примиренческий» марксизм, предложить четыре фазы смены капитализма социализмом как революции (идеологическая, политическая, экономическая и техническая) и ввести теорию равновесия в исторический процесс. Являясь главным теоретиком отечественного марксизма после смерти Ленина Бухарин объявляет идеализм всего лишь формой религии, который успешно преодолевается наукой и материализмом. Будучи руководителем Коммунистического интернационала, он пропагандировал, в частности в докладе 1928 года на VI конгрессе Коминтерна, глобалистскую идею коммунистов всех стран о необходимости установления мировой диктатуры пролетариата путем проведения пролетарских революций и мировой революции. The article analyzes the worldview of an outstanding Soviet philosopher Nikolay Ivanovich Bukharin, who was one of the Bolshevik leaders together with V. I. Lenin, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, and A. V. Lunacharsky. Unlike many other high-ranking officials, Nikolay Ivanovich Bukharin was renowned for his philosophical erudition and genuine journalistic talent. His worldview greatly influenced the Soviet Union’s domestic and foreign policy in 1917–1928. N. I. Bukharin’s works reflected the philosopher’s axiological, gnoseological and ethical views. Proletarian dictatorship was N. I. Bukharin’s major political value. Dialectical Marxism determined his gnoseological views. The ethics of Bolshevism evinced a high tolerance for proletarian violence. The present research shows that N. I. Bukharin was not unlike other Soviet officials in his adherence to orthodox Marxism and his worship of Lenin. However, N. I. Bukharin’s philosophical approach was rather unique. Thus, he attempted to classify some falsifications of Marxism, distinguished between fatalistic Marxism and conciliatory Marxism, spoke about four phases of the transition from capitalism to socialism (ideological, political, economic, and technical), and introduced the theory of historical balance. Being a leading theoretician of Soviet Marxism, Bukharin stated that idealism was a mere form of religion and, therefore, was to be replaced with scientific materialism. Delivering a report to the 6th Congress of the Communist International in 1928, he underlined the necessity of fighting for global proletarian dictatorship by means of proletarian revolutions and world revolutions.

Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Dmitry Nechevin ◽  
Leonard Kolodkin

The article is devoted to the prerequisites of the reforms of the Russian Empire of the sixties of the nineteenth century, their features, contradictions: the imperial status of foreign policy and the lagging behind the countries of Western Europe in special political, economic relations. The authors studied the activities of reformers and the nobility on the peasant question, as well as legitimate conservatism.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Muhammad Amir ◽  
Muhammad Rizwan ◽  
Saira Bano

The present study is an effort to analyze the mode and intensity of Chinese interests in Pakistan. By examining the policy of pursuit in finding another market in the region, the study aims to understand the current warmth of the relationship between China and Pakistan. Although maintaining a perpetually friendly relationship with China has always been a cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy, yet strengthening this relationship into a structured partnership remained a gradual process in the light of their mutual interests. In the politics of international relations, the relationship between countries is a complex interaction of pragmatic national interests, which are multifaceted and could take an alternate course with changing regional and international scenarios. As both Pakistan and China share many common political, economic and strategic interests due to which both are giving their utmost priority to protect their interests related to the other. This paper will investigate the situation where it is commonly believed that China is inevitable by avoiding the vice-versa. No doubt common threats and challenges faced by both the nation is the major cause to unite them in terms of security, political, economic and strategic fronts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fábio Santino Bussmann

Esse artigo analisa o poder explicativo da Teoria da Autonomia de Hélio Jaguaribe em relação aos momentos indubitavelmente autônomos da Política Externa Brasileira (PEB). Isso foi feito mediante o estudo de caso, em forma de teste de teoria, da Política Externa Independente (PEI) do governo Jânio Quadros, que é representativa desses momentos. O estudo de caso foi realizado por meio da análise de conteúdo no programa de pesquisa Nvivo. O argumento resultante da análise realizada é o de que a Teoria da Autonomia tem o potencial de explicar de forma mais precisa e estruturada os momentos de autonomia da PEB do que arranjos conceituais usados atualmente no estudo dos referidos momentos da PEB, já que a PEI, de forma representativa, evidencia objetivos referenciados a uma visão estrutural-hierárquica do cenário internacional, no campo político-econômico.Palavras-chave: Teoria da Autonomia, Política Externa Independente, Política Externa Brasileira.ABSTRACT:This article analyzes the explanatory power of Helio Jaguaribe's Theory of Autonomy in relation to the undoubtedly autonomous moments of Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP). This was done through a case study, in the form of a theory test, of the Independent Foreign Policy (IFP) of the Jânio Quadros government, which is representative of these moments. The case study was conducted through content analysis in the Nvivo research program. The argument resulting from the analysis is that the Autonomy Theory has the potential to explain in a more precise and structured way the moments of autonomy of the BFP than the conceptual arrangements currently used in the study of the referred moments of the BFP, since the IFP, in a representative way, shows objectives referenced to a structural-hierarchical vision of the international scenario, in the political-economic field.Keywords: Autonomy Theory, Independent Foreign Policy, Brazilian Foreign Policy.Recebido em: 29 jan. 2019 | Aceito em: 03 dez. 2019. 


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Levintova

This article investigates the extent of continuity and discontinuity of the original political, economic, and foreign policy value orientations of Russian and Polish post-Communist elites. I conclude that during the post-Communist period the Russian elite shifted the priorities from pro-democratic to authoritarian positions, engaged in a debate over the most desirable foreign policy course, and ultimately chose a pragmatically independent direction, but remained loyal to original beliefs in the free market. In Poland, with its cyclical rotation of governments, original pro-democratic and pro-Western elite value orientations survive to this day, while the issue of preferred economic model is contested and highly sensitive to electoral cycles.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 428-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olusola Ogunnubi ◽  
Adeoye Akinola

This article examines the viability of mainstream neo-realist international relations scholarship for understanding regional power dynamics within Africa by offering a critical evaluation of the categorization of South Africa as a hegemonic power on the continent. Using the theoretical framework of hegemonic stability theory, it argues that there is a somewhat weak link between South Africa’s foreign policy character and its hegemonic disposition in Africa. The South African state, which is the driving force for political, economic and foreign policy processes, is itself subordinate in relation to international capital and lacks the influence expected of a regional hegemon. Despite South Africa’s development, the article demonstrates that its dependency provides the theoretical construct for understanding the country’s ambiguous hegemonic projection. This analytical framework captures the crux of the “hegemonic debate” as well as other conversations in relation to the adaptation of the concept of hegemony to Africa. Therefore, any application of the hegemonic discourse to South Africa necessarily requires a deeper understanding that takes cognizance of the fact that country’s regional hegemony operates within the orbit of a dependent-development paradigm in the global economic order, a neo-liberal order that continues to deepen Africa’s dependency syndrome. Dependency, as well as other complexities, impedes the reality of South Africa’s hegemonic ambitions in Africa.


2021 ◽  
pp. 18-32
Author(s):  
Stefania Tutino

This chapter introduces the main protagonist of the book: Carlo Calà Duke of Diano, a jurist and high-ranking official in the viceregal administration. This chapter also sets the historical context of the story of the forgery by describing the main political, economic, social, and religious characteristics of the Kingdom of Naples in the seventeenth century. More specifically, this chapter explains the social, cultural, and intellectual advantages that a noble pedigree conferred to the Neapolitan non-aristocratic elites; explores the main sources of tension between the papacy and the Neapolitan viceroy; sheds light on the power dynamics between the Roman Inquisition and the local ecclesiastical leaders; and introduces the complexities of the liturgical and devotional life of early modern Catholics.


1969 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-162
Author(s):  
A. J. Coutu

Statements are varied on the need as distinct from those on employment opportunities for Agricultural Economists abroad. The more useful information on potentialities must recognize congressional as well as political, economic and military uncertainties associated with U. S. foreign policy. The following comments are directed at probable employment opportunities.The central idea in these comments is that foreign economic development activities for U. S. Agricultural Economists over the next few years will most likely focus on cooperative research in areas of commercial agriculture and rural poverty.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 195-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Bustamante

In 1991, Ecuador's foreign policy had to deal with the revival of its old border conflict with Peru. Nevertheless, this time the situation offered some hope — in contrast to previous occasions, the most recent being the Paquisha incident in 1982 — that the longstanding impasse between the two countries, which had hindered closer cooperation and greater integration for decades, might be nearing some sort of resolution at last.During the first two years of his administration, President Rodrigo Borja and his Foreign Minister Diego Cordovez were primarily concerned with incorporating Ecuador into some of the Latin American efforts at international cooperation — political, economic, and commercial — which had emerged during the 1980s, such as the Rio Group, or which had been redefined and advanced in new, more creative forms, such as those exemplified by the Cartagena Group, the Asociación Latinoamericana de Integratión (ALADI), the proposed Andean Free Trade Zone, and the like.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Dorigné-Thomson ◽  

Under President Jokowi’s leadership, Indonesia seems to have made Africa a foreign policy priority. Previously bounded by Bandung romanticism and lacking understanding on the contemporary strategic importance of Africa, Indonesia finally launched its own Africa+1 forum in April 2018 in Bali, the Indonesia Africa Forum (IAF), following an economic diplomacy framework and will to do business with Africa. For Jokowi, Bandung should be leveraged to mean business. Indonesia had previously struggled to institutionalize Asia-Africa intercontinental multilateralism through the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership (NAASP) launched during the 2005 Asia Africa Summit in Jakarta organized to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference; while other major Asian powers such as Japan, China, Malaysia, India or South Korea developed their own political, economic and cultural platforms with African countries. Closing a clear research gap, this original study allows a better comprehension of this foreign policy shift and of Indonesia's contemporary foreign policy towards Africa within Global Africa Studies. For more pragmatism and flexibility, this qualitative research, notably based on in-depth interviews with Indonesian and African diplomats, uses an eclectic analysis allowing a holistic approach combining levels of analysis and types of factors; thus increasing explanatory power.


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