scholarly journals Discourse marker well in natural and political discourses: ambivalence and bifunctionality

Author(s):  
Е.Л. Кабахидзе

Устный модус дискурса невозможно представить без богатого репертуара дискурсивных маркеров, для которых характерна ослабленность денотата, с одной стороны, и наполненность прагматическими функциями — с другой. Для выявления особенностей функционирования прагматических маркеров в политическом дискурсе и моделирования макро- и микрофункций дискурсивных маркеров были проанализированы метатекстовые и межличностные функции маркеров, разработанные в трудах отечественных и зарубежных исследователей, и на их основе, а также с учетом лексикографических источников, представлены макро- и микрофункции дискурсивных маркеров в политическом дискурсе. Проведенный анализ позволил выявить новые функции, которые получают ряд дискурсивных маркеров (you know, I mean), в том числе рассматриваемый маркер well в связи с манипулятивной природой политической коммуникации. Данные функции играют важную роль в создании альтернативной действительности и неопределенности, свойственных политической коммуникации. В исследовании представлен подробный анализ функций маркера well с дискурсивно-прагматических позиций на материале телеинтервью Д. Трампа. It is impossible to imagine the existence of the oral mode of discourse which would not include a rich variety of discourse markers. The distinctive feature of discourse markers is weak denotation on the one hand, and explicit pragmatic functions on the other. To identify peculiarities of pragmatic markers functioning in a political discourse and for the purpose of designing their macro- and microfunctions, in the present paper metatext and interpersonal functions of markers developed in the works of Russian and international researchers were scrutinized. On the basis of the data obtained from the previous researches, as well as lexicographic sources, macro- and microfunctions of discourse markers in a political discourse were designed. The analysis allowed to identify new functions developed by a number of discourse markers (you know, I mean), including the marker well, announced in the title of the paper, due to the manipulative nature of political communication. These functions play an important role in creating alternative reality and uncertainty inherent in political communication. The research presents a detailed analysis of functions obtained by the discourse marker well through the lens of discursive pragmatics based on Donald Trump's TV interview.

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 344-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Romano ◽  
Maria Josep Cuenca

This paper presents a comparative analysis structure and frequency of discourse markers in two kinds of oral narratives: objective, emotionally neutral ones on the one side, and highly emotional, spontaneous ones on the other. The results prove that emotionality plays a crucial role in the structuring of oral narratives as well as in the type of discourse markers employed in them. Objective oral narratives show a higher number of discourse markers, whereas highly emotional ones present a higher variety of discourse markers, as well as a higher frequency of other pragmatic markers, in order to guide the listener through the multiplicity of side stories and the broken structure they show. In short, this work highlights the relationship between linguistic activity (language in context or use) and linguistic form.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitris Trimithiotis

This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds important elements to the research findings, particularly in terms of showing on the one hand how power relations within ‘Europarties’ results in the construction of common European identities in different European Union (EU) states, and on the other hand how professionalization of political communication reinforces discursive dissimilarities between parties of the same ideological family in different EU states.


Author(s):  
Helin Alagöz Gessler

This chapter analyses the effects of social media on political communication and the role they play in government-citizen relations by focusing on the Twitter ban phenomenon in Turkey in March 2014. The chapter asks the reasons of government intervention in social media, particularly Twitter. It argues that Twitter makes, on the one hand, a significant contribution to the evolution of political participation as it diversifies the process and methods of political communication. On the other hand, it introduces a new type of security dilemma which encourages governments to consider taking measures against social media to protect their authority.


Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572093377
Author(s):  
James Martin

What insights and advantages do rhetorical approaches offer over other methods of exploring social and political discourse? This article aims to clarify the contribution of rhetorical analysis by exploring its distinctive, hermeneutic attention to public speech. Public speaking is, accordingly, viewed as a practice of assembling meaningful interpretations in specific situations. Central here is a temporal dimension. Analysing rhetoric involves grasping discourse, on the one hand, as concretely situated in response to proximate constraints and, on the other hand, as a medium to move beyond the situation towards a future. Following John Caputo’s reading of Derrida, I argue that, examined rhetorically, public speech enacts a ‘negotiation’ of past and future, intertwining conditional – and hence partially calculable – positions with an ‘unconditional promise’ to prepare for what comes. Although compatible with other approaches, rhetorical analysis is uniquely attuned to this intrinsically ethical and political quality of discursive action.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniël Van Olmen

This article examines the English and Dutch imperatives of intentional visual and auditory perception and in particular their use as pragmatic markers. Look, listen, kijk ‘look’ and luister ‘listen’ are compared with respect to frequency, distribution and usage. The difference between look and kijk, on the one hand, and listen and luister, on the other, is argued to be indicative of a more general cross-linguistic tendency. This tendency is explained in terms of the imperatives’ effectiveness in and likely recruitment for what has traditionally been called attention-getting and in terms of the common view of the nature of visual and auditory perception.


2020 ◽  

Whereas democracy still seemed to be triumphantly sweeping the world before the turn of the century, today it finds itself under immense pressure, not only as a viable political system, but also as a theoretical and normative concept. The coronavirus crisis has underlined and accelerated these developments. There are manifold reasons for this, above all the fundamental changes the state and society have undergone in the face of globalisation, digitalisation, migration, climate change and not least the current pandemic, to name the most significant of them. This volume analyses the changes to democracy in the 21st century and the crises it has experienced. In doing so, the book identifies where action is needed, on the one hand, and investigates appropriate, up-to-date reforms and the prospects for politics, political communication and political education, on the other. With contributions by Ulrich von Alemann, Bernd Becker, Frank Brettschneider, Frank Decker, Claudio Franzius, Georg Paul Hefty, Andreas Kalina, Helmut Klages, Uwe Kranenpohl, Pola Lehmann, Linus Leiten, Dirk Lüddecke, Thomas Metz, Ursula Münch, Ursula Alexandra Ohliger, Veronika Ohliger, Rainer-Olaf Schultze, Peter Seyferth, Hans Vorländer, Uwe Wagschal, Thomas Waldvogel and Samuel Weishaupt


2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 688-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
GUY GROSSMAN ◽  
MACARTAN HUMPHREYS ◽  
GABRIELLA SACRAMONE-LUTZ

How does access to information communication technology (ICT) affect who gets heard and what gets communicated to politicians? On the one hand, ICT can lower communication costs for poorer constituents; on the other, technological channels may be used disproportionately more by the already well connected. To assess the flattening effects of ICTs, we presented a representative sample of constituents in Uganda with an opportunity to send a text message to their representatives at one of three randomly assigned prices. Critically, and contrary to concerns that technological innovations benefit the privileged, we find evidence that ICT can lead to significant flattening: a greater share of marginalized populations use this channel compared to existing political communication channels. Price plays a more complex role. Subsidizing the full cost of messaging increases uptake by over 40%. Surprisingly however, subsidy-induced increases in uptake do not yield further flattening since free channels are not used at higher rates by more marginalized constituents.


2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-205
Author(s):  
Imre Tarafás

The study offers a comparative analysis of historical grand récits written during the period of the Austro–Hungarian Empire in the imperial center, Hungary and Bohemia. On the one hand, the study focuses on different strategies of legitimizing the existence of the empire from Austro-German historians and, on the other, on how compatible these historical visions were with those of Hungarian and Czech scholars. Rather than seeing “imperial” and “national” histories as isolated, by genre different narratives, our aim is to study them as community histories which have serious implications for each other: smaller (national) community histories for the larger (imperial) community, and vice versa. The study does not only rely on the analysis of these community histories, but aims to situate them in the larger context of the historical argumentation of the contemporary political discourse, as well as the central notions with which loyalty to Austria could be expressed. According to the conclusion of the study, there is no discernible common ground for Austro-German historians in terms of defining the mission and essence of Austria or even for basic notions describing the empire’s past. Also, their definitions of crucial notions such as the “nation” significantly contradicted the major Hungarian master narratives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Anastasia Kovalevska

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the verbal influence (also known as suggestion) realization phenomenon in political discourse, which is usually understood as a holistic combined image of the text (be it an advertisement slogan, a political program, a speech, or an interview) itself and the emotions of its recipient and addressee. and is aimed at a a political subject’s (politics, political force, power) influencing a political object (audience, electorate, voter). The political discourse is studied from the standpoint of Psychology, Communicative Linguistics, Sociolinguistics, Speech Acts Theory, Advertisement Theory, PR / GR, Political Linguistics and other related sciences, but it is the involvement of such new methods of studying the linguistic and extralinguistic implementation of suggestion in political discourse, influence being its basic function, that emphasizes the relevance of the work, aimed at studying the manifestations of suggestion in political discourses with the help of NLP’s Milton-model analysis. Contemporary political discourse as an array, which, given the specificity of its functioning in today's information society, is characterized by immanent suggestogenicity is the object of the research; while the essential linguistic features of political discourse as a tool for the realization of its programmed suggestibility are the subject. The factual data of the research is represented by recorded media speeches, political advertisement, political programs and press conference speeches of the politicians heading the governments of Ukraine, USA, France, Spain, Italy, Canada, Germany (about 200 items of each class). The author involves the meta- and Milton-model analysis of the text having been researched and developed in the NLP paradigm in order to isolate the actual linguistic influential patterns (markers of language metamodeling processes, simple, complex and indirect inductions). The linguistic algorithm of Milton-model analysis of political discourses having been researched and visually illustrated with relevant examples combines a complex scientific approach within such multisubstrate science as NLP, and thus it will allow not only to single out dominant strategies of constructing texts and mechanisms of these discourses, but also to highlight the ways to counteract their negative effect, as well as serve in the construction of appropriate planning decisions in the field of optimizing the effectiveness of political communication, emphasized the prospects of the research having been presented in the article, as well as its essential practical value.


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