Challenge of Democracy and Local Governance in Pakistan

Author(s):  
Sofia Idris

The chapter is a study of the democratic challenges faced and the local governance structures in Pakistan; how these two are intertwined and influenced by one another. The importance of local government elections and the issue of reinstatement of local government system in the current political scenario has also been the focus of the research. The role of political parties both in the government and in the opposition, in holding the local government elections that is also affecting the mainstream politics up to a significant level. Thus, the resultant situation is definitely affecting the democratic process in the country. The chapter will therefore study this cause and effect phenomenon occurring in the political landscape of Pakistan.

Author(s):  
Md. Mashiur Rahman ◽  
Salma Nasrin

A paradigm shift in the political system has been taken in Bangladesh on 12 October, 2015 with the final approval by the Cabinet to hold local polls on partisan basis. The long historical practice of non-partisan local polls has been shifted to first ever partisan poll that brought major challenges for the existing confrontational political parties of Bangladesh. Ruling Bangladesh Awami League considered demonstrating its popularity at grass-root level and controlled all political institution through this election while Bangladesh Nationalist Party had opposed these partisan local government elections as a political trick with an ill motive by the government. For the first time in Independent Bangladesh, 9th Union Parishad[1](UP) election hold on partisan basis at six phases across the country from March to June 2016. The articles tried to explore the experiences of this maiden partisan UP polls and what are the immediate consequences on the local governance as well as electoral system through reviewing seceondary materials specially the Daily Newspapers. Unfortunately massive violence, record deaths and uncontested elected Chairman, election fraughts & irregularities, reluctant role of Election Commission, strong dominant of ruling party over electoral system were common phenomenon in this maiden partisan election.[1] Lowest tier of rural local government in Bangladesh.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2010 ◽  
Vol 49 (4I) ◽  
pp. 333-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwar Shah

Globalisation and the information revolution are profoundly influencing the division of power within, across, and beyond nation-states. Within nations, this mega change has led to a diminished economic relevance of the intermediate order of government (states and provinces) and an enhanced need for home rule (empowered local governments) in both unitary and federal countries. Considerations of peace, order, and good government further warrant that intermediate orders of governments must assume a relatively less prominent role in multi-order governance. The recent fiscal crisis and the ever-growing concern about corruption have further heightened the need to the get the government right, thereby creating additional pressures to limit the size of the government by possibly downsizing the role of the states/provinces and reconstituting these as provincial councils of local governments to perform inter-local functions and coordination. These economic imperatives, calling for an hourglass model of federalism, are at odds with the political realties in countries conforming to the traditional dual federalism model, i.e., federalism of the provinces model of economic governance as prevalent in Australia, India, Mexico, and Pakistan, among others. The political order in these latter countries has blocked local governments from assuming their due role as the primary agents of the people providing oversight on the shared rule and as facilitators for network governance to improve the economic and social outcomes. Such a role of local government is also critical to international competitiveness and growth as demonstrated by the experiences of China, Japan, Korea, and the Nordic countries. This paper outlines reform options for multi-order governance to conform with the new world economic order. The paper elaborates the role of local governments under ‘glocalised governance’—the new vision of multi-order governance—and argues that growth and economic prosperity of nations in the coming decades would critically depend on how quickly political and institutional impediments to the new (or the oldest?) paradigm of local governance are overcome. The paper concludes that path dependency makes such radical reforms infeasible in countries with strong provincial governments run by feudal, military, and industrial elites.


Author(s):  
Paul Pounder

This paper looks at the government and local governance structures of Barbados, arguing that local governance should be leveraged to expand entrepreneurship opportunities at the community level. It examines the links between local governance and entrepreneurship, and proposes a framework aimed at strengthening the relationship between Barbados’ newly formed constituency councils and its government institutions supporting entrepreneurship. The research concludes that there are many inefficiencies in the interaction between government agencies and constituency councils, which the proposed framework is a first step toward remedying.  The research suggests that local governance is a complex issue worldwide. More specifically in Barbados, even though the role of the constituency councils is defined, there are weak formal arrangements which undermine the processes and activities to support community entrepreneurship. The proposed framework highlighted in the research is a first step in formalising a way forward for entrepreneurship in the community. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 369
Author(s):  
Delfi Suganda ◽  
Retno Saraswati ◽  
Nabitatus Sa'adah

<p><em>This article aimed to analyze the role and chances of the Wali Nanggroe in its involvement in international peace and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. One of the functions mandated by the qanun (local laws) of Wali Nanggroe Institution is participation in local, national, and international peace. The participation of Wali Nanggroe Institution to be part of regional, national and international peace is an exciting study because most of Wali Nanggroe's members are currently former officials and former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement. This research will analyze the opportunities of the Wali Nanggroe Institute in its involvement in the world and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. This research shows the peace will continue after the peace agreement because many Acehnese leaders, former GAM leaders, believe that the MOU can bring Aceh to a self-government system through a peaceful and democratic process.</em> <em>that several opportunities can be used by it to carry out the function of peace, among others, the first is strong support from local political parties because Wali Nanggroe is an "old man" in Aceh; Third, good relations between Wali Nanggroe and foreign countries or bodies, as well as Wali Nanggroe's own experience in the negotiation process with the Government of Indonesia to realize the understanding of the Helsinki MoU in Finland.</em></p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko ◽  
Mardiyono

Direct elections for the head of local government were a process of recruiting leaders in regions that can guarantee the representation of local people through a democratic process. In this process, theoretically and constitutionally political parties have important and strategic roles and functions. Unfortunately, the oligarchic practice that engulfed almost all political parties has internally and externally recognized the basic principles of democracy in the process of recruiting prospective leaders in the region. The democratic process is only procedural, not substantial. So far it is strongly suspected that the process of regional head elections is more colored by transactional politics. This paper aims first, to obtain an overview of the recruitment process for the local head government candidates by political parties in Malang Raya region. Second, to describe the power of money in choosing candidates by the parties and the voters. Third, to explain the transactional political impact on the performance of elected candidates. Methods were using descriptive analysis with qualitative approach and become parts of investigational report. Data were collected from interview and documentation. The results were consist of three aspects: first, at the stage of nomination of candidates for local head of government internally in political parties there was a tendency for friction between central and local political party leaders. In turn, this friction brought the failure of their  candidate in the local election.  Second, even though there were allegations of transactional politics between candidates for regional heads and political parties carrying them or between political parties, the allegations were not supported by concrete data. Third, the selection process for the head of local governments in the Malang Raya area tends to be less consistent with the performance of the government, especially those relating to PAD, IKF, and HDI.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza

This article is a qualitative case study on the political dimensions of social protection reforms in post-conflict Nepal. The article examines vertical versus horizontal party structures and the political economy of support for different parties, and how this relates to their social protection policies to help unpack gaps in the literature and provide a deeper understanding of both the constraints and opportunities for reform. Drawing on key informant interviews conducted in Nepal between 2012 and 2014, the article describes the attitudes of members of the main Nepalese political parties towards social protection, and analyses the proposals on social protection within party manifestos. It discusses the role of social protection in democratisation as well as limitations towards constructing a democratic welfare state grounded in the kind of clientelistic and patronage party politics that continue to dominate the political landscape in Nepal today. The article is relevant to those in the ‘thinking and working politically’ aid movement and those working towards social protection reforms in clientelist states.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-142
Author(s):  
Evie Ariadne Shinta Dewi

The main thesis of this paper is reveals how the process of political communication should take place in order to achieve the idealization of democracy in accordance with the objectives of post-collapse reform of the authoritarian new order era. After nearly 18 years of reformation, substantial issues and basic problems still seem to burden the government. On the other hand, political democratization process seems to be influenced by the old pattern. This paper elaborates how the role of political communication in the process of democratization has been going on. The data obtained through documentation studies from various sources. The results of the study indicate that a state that should be positioned as the main actor in the process of political communication is often overlooked because of the large number of noise that caused by the main message of the state which is not well conveyed. As the result, the institutionalization of democratic values is still not the main commitment of the political parties. In the future, this country needs a strategy that puts the state both as a communicator and a communicant, so that the consolidation of democracy can be realized soon.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Eisa Ruhullah ◽  
Titin Purwaningsih

The researcher aimed to study the democratic process of the practices of the political parties of Bangladesh on Power Transmission since 2006. The study applied the qualitative descriptive method. This article aimed to measure the democratic process, power transmission, and the systematic crisis of the political parties with their wings. The investigation found that the practices of the parties are not purely democratic since the independence of the country. The government is mostly entitled by the two significant parties though there is a showcase of democratic elections. The election commission is responsible for the fair election, but unfortunately, that is not independent at all. Moreover, the most significant issue is the distrust amongst authorities. That is why there are constitutional changes usually happen due to dishonesty under the dominant party. The Study refers to the amendment of the 15th constitutional practice, making the election system unfair because the election was happening while the current government still controls the systems. It makes the opposition not to trust in the election commission. Thus, the country needs to have a non-dominant electoral mechanism and back to the amendment of the 13th old practices to make sure the democracy and transparency of the leadership in the country by the fair election. Furthermore, it will ensure the stability and the commitment of all bureaucrats to fulfill their services properly without any kind of influence.


SAGE Open ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 215824401668681 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachmat Hidayat

The emergence of decentralization throughout the world has provoked question whether decentralization has played several important roles in fostering accountable and responsible governance. As the concept of governance expanded, so did thinking about the rationale, objectives, and forms of decentralization. Decentralization now encompasses not only the transfer of power, authority, and responsibility within the government but also the sharing of authority and resources for shaping public policy within society. One of the important reasons that drives Indonesian government to deliver a democratic decentralization is political motivation. This relates to the growing intention to local development throughout the country posed the need for political and administrative arrangement to meet the country’s diversity. This study describes and explores the nature and the process of political devolution in the context of local government in Indonesia, in particular assessing the political devolution performance in the regency of Jember. This article employs a model that combines Boex and Yilmaz and the Local Governance Barometer framework for assessing political devolution performances. The article focuses on those issues and on the opportunities for the local government to improve the most important basic needs of the people—education and health sectors in Indonesia.


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