scholarly journals Azerbaijan: From Small to Regional Power?

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-181
Author(s):  
R. F. Ibrahimov

The article gives a general overview of the main factors influencing the formation of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, as well as analyzes how these factors have changed since Azerbaijan’s independence until 2021. The conclusion is made that the existence of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been a key factor in the formation of the political and economic system of the country, as well as the consciousness and perception of the world by its citizens. Since independence, Azerbaijan’s main objective has been to change the regional status quo, as well as to regain military and political control over Nagorno-Karabakh. In the theoretical part of the article, the author considers two categories of statehood: small and medium power. The established definition of small and medium power says that the main criteria of their difference lies in the size of the economy, the number of armed forces, as well as in the criterion of the “will” of the peoples to solve extraordinary foreign policy tasks. The author believes that the consolidation of the country’s available capabilities made it possible not only to achieve the goal of territorial integrity, but also to move Azerbaijan from the category of a small to a medium power. Azerbaijan deliberately moved to the rank of a medium power: through the development of regional ties and energy diplomacy, as well as through the isolation of Armenia. As a result, Azerbaijan’s seizure of seven districts and part of Nagorno-Karabakh, including Shusha, was a significant event that allowed the country to fundamentally change the unfavorable status quo that had prevailed for years.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
David Paulo Succi Junior

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o modo em que a bibliografia especializada busca explicar o constante emprego das Forças Armadas – instrumento de política externa – em missões de segurança pública na América do Sul. São identificados três níveis de explicação: internacional, regional e nacional. Defende-se que as análises podem ser agrupadas em duas lógicas explicativas – positivismo e o pós-positivismo –, as quais distinguem-se não apenas em termos teóricos, mas também, sob a ótica da teoria crítica, em relação às suas consequências políticas. Considera-se que a compreensão positivista do fenômeno em questão leva a uma subordinação da política à técnica, enquanto as análises pós-positivistas evidenciam o caráter político da escolha de envolver o instrumento militar em segurança pública. Palavras-chave: Forças Armadas; Segurança Pública; América do Sul.     Abstract: The current paper aims to evaluate the way in which specialized scholars seek to clarify the constant employment of South Americans Armed Forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security. Three explanatory levels are identified: international, regional and domestic. It is argued that analyses can be classified in two logics of explanation – positivism and post positivism – that are distinguished by both its theoretical specificity and its politics implications. We sustain that rationalist explanation submits politics to technique, while post positivism analyses emphasize the political nature of the decision to involve the military in public security. Key-Word: Armed Forces; Public Security; South America.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.


Author(s):  
Hicham Bou Nassif

Rationality, culture, and structure provide useful insights into military politics by stressing self-centered motivations, norms, and large impersonal forces, respectively. The armed forces can transform popular uprisings into democratic transitions, or, alternatively, uphold the status quo. Furthermore, officers can allow nascent democratic experiments to consolidate, or they can resurrect authoritarianism. Whatever they choose to do, multiple material and ideational factors will inform their agency, and by extension, the political dynamics unfolding in transitional times.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Linde

Abstract The essay examines Vladimir Putin’s civilisational discourse, which arose in earnest with the publication of his presidential campaign articles in 2012. It argues that what makes Putin’s rendering of Russia’s civilisational identity distinctive is its strongly emphasized Statism, understood as a belief in the primacy of the state. This suggests that while his endorsement of a distinct civilisational identity represents an important conceptual turn as regards how national identity is articulated, there are also significant lines of continuity with previous presidential periods, given that state primacy has been at the heart of Putin’s political agenda since the very beginning of his presidential career. This detail also reveals a great deal about the political rationale behind Putin’s commitment to a Russian civilisational identity. It provides the government with a theoretical justification of an illiberal political course. There are important implications for foreign policy-making as well. In relation to the West, there is an attempt to limit its normative reach by depicting liberal values as less than universal. In regional affairs, Russia is attempting to legitimate its involvement in the near abroad on civilisational grounds. The loose definition of ‘co-patriots’ as foreign nationals experiencing some affinity with Russia gives it plenty of leeway in this regard. Lastly, Russia has petitioned for Ukraine’s neutrality based on the argument that the country is straddling a civilisational fault line.


Author(s):  
Mykola HOMANYUK

This article deals with the process, and with the main factors and mechanisms contributing to the modification of mental boundaries among people on the South of Ukraine in regard to the definition of what was and is the South Ukrainian’s historical region of Tavria/Tauride. A conclusion is drawn that in the social perception of this historical region has been more and more frequently perceived as divided into two separate ones. The mainland part of the region has beenexpanded and became known as Tavria, while Crimea became known mostly as Tauride. This process of diversification of Tavria/Tauride toponyms coming into the political discourse of both Ukraine and Russian Federation that might allow some political manipulation and even legitimization of aggression.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan ◽  

This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
Bradley A. Johnson

One the most powerful evangelical Christian sentiments is that one is potentially imbued with the divine mandate and capacity to enact the will of God on earth. Since becoming president in 2000, George W. Bush’s sense of calling has encompassed the responsibility of the United States to bestow and/or protect freedom, which he has deemed “God’s gift to humanity.” The American president’s rhetoric, with regard to American exceptionality in its domestic and foreign policy, however, betrays a “sovereign” conception of time wherein nothing happens except the forestalling of its end. Following the philosophical inquiry of Philip Goodchild’s Capitalism and Religion and the political critique of Giorgio Agamben’s State of Exception, this article will examine the nature of American exceptionality, namely the degree to which President Bush’s rhetoric of the call co-opts its biblical precedents in a speculative maneuver that is unconcerned with the subsistence/lived level of reality, and whose aim is ultimately to perpetuate the creation of political capital.


Author(s):  
Christopher Ali

In Chapter 6, the case studies are analyzed through the frameworks of critical regionalism and critical political economy. The first section describes how a political economy of localism has come to exist within media policy discourse. This system favors the status quo over alternatives, tethers local media exclusively to specific places, and impedes our ability to think through ways to bridge the spatial and social divides of localism. The second section reintroduces critical regionalism as an approach that tempers this political economy. The chapter argues that while the political economy of localism works to stifle policy alternatives, there are policy windows – “moments of critical regionalism” – that require our attention. The chapter offers a definition of media localism based on critical regionalism and the case studies.


1988 ◽  
Vol 44 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 226-239
Author(s):  
R. Gopalakrishnan

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to highlight the geographical significance of the location and its impact on the foreign policy. Introduction of the armed forces in national politics (this formed an important element in the country's politics right from the beginning) has been the most conspicuous development; it determined the who's and what's of the government. Traditional pressure groups, despite retaining some of their old hold on the society, had given way to radical groups or factions, armed forces and insurgent elements. These penetrated various strata of the Afghan society. Since 1963, when political liberalisation and participation was introduced, disruptive tendencies gradually impinged on the state's activities. Generally, this was evident between 1963–73 and was particularly so after the 1973 coup, when the Monarchy was replaced by a republican regime under Daud. Both, the Armed Forces and the Communist Party were involved but were sidelined once power was secured. This change did not bring the expected transformations in the patterns of administration. The change was only in name and power was still concentrated with Daud who began to implement his own policies that emerged between 1953–63. The period of his first stint in power coincided wiih an aggravation of problems, political and economic, caused by a closure of transit facilities. However, this pause was fully exploited by the radical parties who gradually brought the dominant elements of the Armed Forces under their influence, so that, they were able to deliver a coup d'etat under the leadership of Tarakki in April 1978. The new regime was not able to maintain effective control over the political situation that for the next twenty months brought internal political instability to its height and compelled the Soviet Union to move (this was perhaps to protect its vulnerable southern underbelly). The period from April 1978 onwards, saw active non-cooperation, large scale desertions from the Armed Forces and a deterioration of the economy. In addition, open opposition by the religious groups and insurgent elements presented a political picture that has been so vividly illustrated by Afghan political history. Intense factionalism and infighting within the regime saw Amin replacing the moderate Tarakki in September 1979. This led to a worsening of the political situation with the state at war with itself. This compelled the Soviet Union to move into Afghanistan. In a short but bloody war, Amin was disposed and a government under Karmal was established with Soviet support1. These developments then, clearly suggest the need to review the background of the patterns and problems of the foreign policy of Afghanistan as determined and identified by its locational characteristics.


Author(s):  
Iván Poczynok

El artículo analiza los factores políticos que atravesaron la definición de la política de inteligencia militar argentina entre 1990 y 2015. El argumento central es que esta responsabilidad estuvo condicionada por dos apreciaciones ampliamente arraigadas en los gobiernos del período: que la inteligencia militar constituye un instrumento peligroso para la estabilidad democrática; y que la Argentina carece de problemas externos que puedan requerir la generación de este tipo de conocimientos en el mediano plazo. Estos elementos no sólo tornaron accesoria –desde la mirada de las élites locales– la definición de una política de inteligencia, sino que también configuraron un status quo que reprodujo la subordinación de los intereses defensivos del país a las preocupaciones estratégicas de otras naciones.   Abstract This article analyzes the political factors that crossed the definition of Argentine´s military intelligence policy between 1990 and 2015. The argument is that this activity was conditioned by two assumptions widely held by the governments of this period: that military intelligence is dangerous for democratic stability; and that Argentina does not have external problems that may require this type of knowledge in the medium term. These elements not only made “unnecessary” the definition of an intelligence policy -from the perspective of the local elites- but also shaped a status quo that maintained the subordination of the country's defense interests to foreign strategic perceptions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-150
Author(s):  
Summer Sultana ◽  
Nuzhat Jahan

A commonly accepted definition of the democracy is; “Rule of the majority by the supreme power vested in the people and exercised by them directly”. The democratic government may remain in power until and unless people repose the confidence over it. In Pakistan the main reason of failure of the democracy is that, it is generally against the social behavior of Pakistan. Just because of this the democracy could not come around in Pakistan, yet people cannot be incriminated for the same. The history is witnessed that Pakistani people had supported all social movements having collective ambitions but unluckily after freedom no political party or leadership was available to Pakistanis which could do something for them. Soon after freedom bureaucrats had prevalence in the government due to this the overall control remained in the hands of Governor General or non-representatives. So, democratic institutions could not attain freedom from them. Undoubtedly from the beginning the Pakistan Army attained a dominating role in the system of government and in the field of politics and during the last 60 years they remained in rule for more than a half of the tenure and the political governments were never allowed to take any step freely. In the current scenario Pakistan should have to pass through a democratic way which was stopped by the Armed forces and bureaucracy by adopting different means.


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