Youth radicalism: theoretical analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
O.Kh. Aimaganbetova ◽  

This article provides a theoretical analysis of youth radicalism, which is one of the areas of modern radicalism. The excursion showed that youth radicalism, which developed in the United States, was a response to the discrepancy between the values cultivated in the youth environment and generally accepted rules and standards. As for the countries of the post-Soviet space, including Kazakhstan, here youth radicalism developed during the collapse of the USSR, when, in the conditions of a sharp drop in living standards, it was this part of the radical movement that became more active. As a study in Kazakhstan has shown, youth radicalism, as a rule, has not an ideological but a criminal basis. In this regard, in our opinion, a great danger is posed by various criminal groups, which involve modern Kazakhstani youth, where they are forced to extremism, religious fanaticism, crimes, etc. The purpose of this study was to update research aimed at studying the psychological characteristics of youth radicalism, to analyze the susceptibility and prevention of radicalist sentiments of Kazakhstani youth.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. S. Zhiltsov

The year of 2020 started a new chapter in the development of former-Soviet countries. The coronavirus epidemic, which began in the Chinese city of Wuhan, has spread to affect all countries throughout the world, including the countries of the former Soviet Union. Its influence has already affected the economic and social development of the countries in the post-Soviet space. Closing borders, stopping tourism, and imposing severe restrictions on transport services were the first measures that contributed to reducing the incidence rates. At the same time, these measures affected bilateral and multilateral trade and economic relations among the countries of the post-Soviet space.All countries of the post-Soviet space have taken steps to allocate additional funds to combat coronavirus. Ad hoc funds were formed, the review of budget expenditures and revenues began. However, in fact in the first few months the countries faced economic distress, the overcoming of which could take considerable time.The coronavirus epidemic is taking place against the backdrop of global economic crisis and a sharp drop in oil prices. Economic development models based on increasing consumption without economic growth, increasing the level of external and internal debt have shown their insolvency. In these conditions, the countries of the post-Soviet space, which are highly dependent on the external factor, have also experienced significant economic hardships.Finally, the «price warfare» in the oil market has a strong influence. The United States and Saudi Arabia’s attempts to achieve dominance in the oil market, by displacing Russia from it, as well, have had a destabilizing impact on the world oil market. This factor has had a direct impact on those former-Soviet countries that produce and export hydrocarbon resources.In general, the coronavirus epidemic, taking place against the backdrop of global economic challenges and oil competition, will have a negative impact on the economic and political development of former-Soviet countries. The impact of the epidemic, its consequences, will affect the former-Soviet countries for many years to come.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Stanislav ALEXANDROV ◽  

The purpose of the research. In accordance with the problem-chronological approach, the article systematized the materials of “The New York Times” newspaper about Nursultan Nazarbayev in the period during 1989-2001. Despite the membership of the Communist Party from 1962-1991, the condemnation of the collapse of the USSR, the promotion of the idea of new economic and political integration in the post-Soviet space, the President of Kazakhstan was portrayed on the pages of “The New York Times” as a progressive independent pro-American politician. Nevertheless, by the end of the second half of the 1990-s there were dramatic changes in the current image, the Kazakh leader began to associate with an autocrat and a corrupt official. This work is aimed at finding the reasons for the transformation of the image of the Kazakh politician. Results. The study concluded that the reason for the transformation of the image of the President of Kazakhstan was the deterioration of relations with official Washington. The favorable image of Nursultan Nazarbayev in “The New York Times” was an indicator not only of the benevolent attitude of newspaper journalists, but also of US loyalty. During the period of partnership with the White House, the image of politician Nursultan Nazarbayev remained pleasant for readers of the New York newspaper. In the late 1980s and the first half of the 1990s. Washington was favorable to Nursultan Nazarbayev, since the president’s policy satisfied the United States: defending independence, switching to a market economy, renouncing nuclear weapons, and access to Kazakh oil. During this period, the negative features of the Kazakh leader were not displayed or smoothed out on the pages of the New York newspaper, while the strengths were intentionally emphasized. After the current American goals in the Central Asian republic were achieved, interest in the figure of Nursultan Nazarbayev began to fade. Over time, scandals related to Nursultan Nazarbayev began to be fully covered by journalists of “The New York Times”, changing the image of the president to an authoritarian and corrupt politician.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-327
Author(s):  
Virsaviya Viver ◽  

The article discusses modern Eurasian integration - regional processes of unification in the post-Soviet space, in which Russia plays a guiding role. Despite the declaration by the American establishment of the importance of the Eurasian macro region and the deep involvement of the United States in the region’s affairs, the American foreign policy discourse clearly shows a lack of interest on the part of the expert community in integration in the post-Soviet space against the backdrop of Washington’s assistance in integration processes in other regions of the world. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to analyze the current practice of coverage in the American scientific and academic discourse of Eurasian integration processes with the active role of Russia. Based on the opinion of American experts from centrist, liberal and conservative think tanks, it is planned to determine the place of Eurasian integration issues in the American foreign policy discourse, to determine the dynamics of changes in the process of coverage of Eurasian integration by the American expert community, and to outline the nature of the assessments of American experts on Eurasian integration projects.


Author(s):  
D. V. Suslov

Both Russia and the United States consider the Asia-Pacific as the center of the world economy and politics and assume the active presence in the region crucial for their security and economic development. They did not have such sharp contradictions there as in Europe or in the post-Soviet space. Moreover, some of their interests in the Asia-Pacific Region coincide – such as preventing Chinese hegemony. In this regard, the Russian-American dialogue and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific could be an important pillar of the positive agenda of their relations and a factor in their sustainability. Due to foreign policy inertia, the inflexibility of the agenda of Russian-American relations and the inability of the parties to go beyond the usual pattern, such a dialogue has not even begun. Both sides demonstrated strategic myopia. This weakened the resilience of US-Russian relations in the face of new challenges and accelerated their deterioration and disruption to a new confrontation. The Asia-Pacific has become another theater of the US-Russian systemic confrontation. However, it is in the interest of bothRussia and the United States to separate relations in this region from their general confrontation. This will create favorable conditions for Russia to build a balanced partnership system in the Asia-Pacific, which is necessary to consolidate its role as an independent global great power. In addition, the Russian-American dialogue on the Asia-Pacific, or at least the weakening of their confrontation in this region, will reduce its polarization and prevent tensions between the US and its Asian allies and partners.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
A. Szeptycki

This article analyzes Poland’s policy towards the former Soviet space (Poland’s Eastern policy) through the assumptions of the realist theory of international relations. The fi rst part of the article examines the realist theory in international relations (IR). The second – deals with the existing literature on Poland’s foreign policy. The third part analyses the determinants and the goals of Poland’s policy towards the post-Soviet states (history of its relations with the region, ideological determinants, security concerns, etc.). The last part inquires about the evolution of Poland’s policy till current times. The Russian Federation is perceived as a signifi cant threat by Poland. In that context, since the early 1990s, Poland has been seeking solutions to strengthen its security. It aimed to join the North Atlantic Alliance and establish a close partnership with the United States (bandwagoning). This strategy brought substantial eff ects – in 1999, Poland joined NATO, and since it has hosted allied troops. Poland also wanted to develop cooperation with Ukraine (to a lesser degree also with its other post-Soviet neighbors) and bring them closer to the Euro-Atlantic structures. This policy was, in particular, at weakening Russia’s infl uence in the region (balancing). The results of this strategy have been somewhat ambiguous, though. Ukraine has rejected Russia’s sponsored reintegration projects in the post-Soviet space. The process of reforms in that country, however, is slow and uncertain. As for other post-Soviet states, Poland has largely proven unable to infl uence the desired changes.


Author(s):  
N. Shumskii

For 20 years after the collapse of the USSR the post-Soviet countries, for the most part, turned into the independent states. So, it is not surprising that each of them has its own policy, posts and defends its own interests. The strive to preserve independence, to modernize the economy and to improve the living standards of the population remains the main driving force of interaction between the former Soviet republics within the Commonwealth of Independent States. The CIS serves as the main systemic structure in the post-Soviet space that allows the member states to harmonize their positions and, with varying degrees of effectiveness, to solve common problems. CIS provides more certainty than the regional grouping of states of the CIS. While assessing the results of different integration projects at the post-Soviet space, it can be concluded that until now Belarus and Russia fail to create a viable Union State. The Eurasian Economic Community (G5) is also far from the establishment of a customs union and an unified economic space. The fate of the Customs Union of three states (Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia) will be defined in the upcoming years in the context of the enormous challenges of creating a common market for goods, services, capital and labor.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-105
Author(s):  
D. A. Belashchenko ◽  
V. V. Tolkachev ◽  
A. P. Shmelev ◽  
I. F. Shodzhonov

Integration processes in the post-Soviet space actualize the topic of several individual organizations prospects considering current trends on the international scene, particularly the ODED-GUAM. This formation is specific because it was initially created without the participation of the Russian Federation and also formed as an alternative to the Common-wealth of Independent States and other integration projects where the leading role was recognized for the Russian Federation.The study consists of two parts. The first part examines the development process of the ODED-GUAM organization and high-lights the main stages of its existence. The transformation of the conceptual ideas of the organization’s development from a global to a local actor in world politics was also mentioned in the article. The study conducts a broad analysis of the organization’s source base, evaluates the results that the organization has achieved and the reasons of its composition change.The second part of the study is devoted to the analysis of the prospects for the development of this organization from the standpoint of neorealism (structural realism) taking into account the combination of endogenous and exogenous factors.The totality of moments related to the specifics of the ODED-GUAM conceptual component evolution, the episodic nature of its activities, the presence of the internal conflict of interests among participating countries, the leading international actors positions towards the organization, allows us to consider the integration entity is mostly the artificial construct that unified states that were for one reason or another out of key integration projects of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space. It is also relevant to consider the ODED-GUAM as a tool for promoting the interests of such actors as the United States and the EU in the post-Soviet space, as an instrument of information, ideological, and economic pressure on Russia and its partners in integration entities.In fact, the prospects of the ODEDGUAM organization are directly dependent on the position and policy of external actors who consider this organization as one of the platforms to influence the Russian Federation as well as the People’s Republic of China and the integration projects implemented by these countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-19
Author(s):  
S. S. Zhiltsov

Russia and non-regional States have recently shown fresh interest in the countries of the former Soviet Union. The rivalry between Russia and the United States for the post-Soviet territory, beginning after the collapse of the USSR, has broken new ground. Russia considers the post-Soviet space as an area of vital interests. Economic and political relations with its neighbors, the internal political situation in the former Soviet Republics have a direct impact on the development of Russia. These determinants can explain the renewed interest in Eurasian integration and an integration project — the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). However, the USA hardly welcomes such aspirations of Russia and the support for the integration project on the part of some post-Soviet countries. The American side has no interest in the newly emerging regional centers of influence in the post-Soviet space, regarding this as a threat to its interests. Countering the development of Eurasian integration and strengthening the EAEU influence is the focus of US policy in this regard. The EAEU member countries are consistently taking steps to develop integration despite obstacles from the West. The long-term objectives, defined in various documents by the countries, should put them on a new path of economic cooperation. Eurasian integration faces a number of difficulties along with the successes, achieved since the creation of the EAEU. The world economy problems, in addition to internal ones, exert a considerable influence. They intensified after the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, which negatively affected the development of the EAEU countries. The internal political problems faced by the EAEU countries adversely affect integration. The internal political crisis in Belarus, beginning in the later 2020, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh, worsened internal political struggle in Armenia and Kyrgyzstan are the factors that influenced the work of the EAEU last year and early 2021. Nevertheless, economic difficulties and political events in specific countries, the pursuit of non-regional states to influence the elites of the former Soviet states have not altered the foreign policy priorities of the EAEU member states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
E. I. Zyabkina

After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.The alignment of forces in each of the states contributed to the rapprochement of Kiev and Tbilisi. The political forces of both countries pursued a course of distancing from Russia and rapprochement with Western countries. As a result, Ukrainian-Georgian relations relied on similar political positions, which allowed countries to expand cooperation on a bilateral basis and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanisms.In recent years Ukrainian-Georgian relations have been developing dynamically. Two states are pursuing a policy of joining NATO, expanding cooperation with the EU. Ukraine is interested in deepening cooperation with Tbilisi due to strained relations with Russia. In addition, Ukraine seeks to use the Western sanctions policy towards Russia to solve domestic political and socio-economic problems. Whereas, Western countries are interested in strengthening the Ukrainian-Georgian tandem hoping to use it in promotion of their interests in the post-Soviet space and in implementing policies towards Russia.This article explores the prospects for the development of interstate Ukrainian-Georgian relations, which will reflect the political processes in the post-Soviet countries.


Author(s):  
Elizaveta Dmitrievna Trifonova ◽  
Darya Vladimirovna Tavberidze

The subject of this research is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein. This article aims to fill the gap in French historiography and analyze the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization through the prism of French researchers. An overview is given to the assessment given by French authors to Russia’s goals in this organization at the stage of its foundation, establishment and development, as well as the overall goals of the Russian foreign policy in post-Soviet space and Central Asia. Special attention is given to the security and energy issues, as well as the growing influence of China and the United States in Central Asia. The relevance of this work is substantiated by the analysis of French research dedicated to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein, which is carried out for the first time. For article leans on the monographs and articles by the French historians, political scientists, and experts in the area of international relations dedicated to foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the early 1990s – late 2000s and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The conclusion is made that according to the majority of French researchers, the Russian Federation uses the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to strengthen its positions in Central Asia, as well as on the international arena.


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