scholarly journals The Status of the Non-Muslim Communities in the Ottoman Empire: A Non-Orientalised Decolonial Approach

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 10-34
Author(s):  
Naif Bezwan
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Status ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

With a focus on the key developments and critical junctures that shaped and reshaped the relationship between the Ottomans and its non-Muslim subject communities, this paper seeks to understand the dynamics and the rationale behind the Ottoman policies and practices vis-a-vis non-Muslim communities. It will do so by offering a periodisation of Ottoman rule along four major pathways, each of which also provides the title of the respective section. The first period is referred to as structural exclusion by toleration over centuries, from the conquest of the respective territories to their incorporation into the imperial domain. The second phase is entitled integration via politics of recognition which basically covers the Tanzimat era (1838-1876). The third period is put under the heading of coercive domination and control, roughly corresponding to the Hamidian Period (1876-1908). And finally, the last period is concerned with the Young Turks regime (1908-1918), discussing its politics and policies towards non-Muslims communities framed under the title of nation-building by nation-destruction. The chapter titles act both as hypothesis and structuring elements of the periodisation presented. As such they shall help identify the dominant paradigm of each period pertinent to the status and situation of the communities under consideration, while connecting them in a plausible manner. This paper is motivated by a non-Orientalised decolonial approach to the study of the Ottoman empire as well as the nation-states established in the post-Ottoman political geographies.

National identity in the Ottoman Empire as a historical and social fact

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isra Shengul Chebi ◽  
Dilshat Karimova
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
Social Fact ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Turkish State ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Defined both in an individual and in a social or cultural context, identity is a historical phenomenon; a consistent, complete sense of identity develops in the historical process. Social relations created by historical conditions shape Turkish identity, just like other collective identities. Revealed as one of the oldest nations in history, Turkish identity has also been shaped by the amalgamation of the effects created by the rule of law in the collective consciousness. Despite the fact that the length of the historical process makes it difficult to clearly identify the stages of the adventure, when studying Turkish identity it is necessary to look at the Ottoman Empire, which is a prerequisite for the modern Turkish state, and the self-identification of the society that feels belonging to the above state. Indeed, it is not very wrong to associate the phenomenon of identity as a topic of discussion with the relationship of the Ottoman state with the modern nation states of the West. In this context, it would be appropriate to touch upon the perception of identity in the Ottoman Empire.

The Fruit of the Arts and the Mob

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-412
Author(s):  
Orit Bashkin
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
Mere Existence ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This essay considers accounts of the Dreyfus Affair published in the newspaper Thamarat al-Funun (founded 1875) during 1898 to demonstrate how Arab writers addressed the rights of minorities in Europe and examined failed emancipatory projects. Writing about the Dreyfus Affair allowed intellectuals in the Levant to reverse the power relationship between themselves and Europe and to comment on the kinds of politics that would ensure the equality before the law of the Jewish minority in Europe. These debates further illustrate that even before the shift to electoral politics in the Ottoman Empire (after 1908) and in postwar Arab nation-states, Arab writers were preoccupied with the relationship between statecraft and majority-minority relations. They argued that democratic institutions such as parliaments and courts of law were the best venues to safeguard the rights of religious communities whose mere existence was defined as a problem. Bashkin shows how Thamarat al-Funun pointed to phenomena that endangered religious communities, such as fanaticism, racism, abuse of power by the police and the military, and mob politics.

Women and politeness: The Javanese example

1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Smith-Hefner
Keyword(s):  
Public Power ◽  
Power And Control ◽  
Social Structural ◽  
The Family ◽  
Structural Variables ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
Linguistic Behavior ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis article explores the relationship between the status of Javanese women and the politeness or formality of their speech. I examine the hypothesis that, cross-culturally, women will speak more politely than men as an expression of their secondary status. Ethnographic research from East Java reveals that Javanese women are required to be more polite within the family where they receive less polite speech and offer more. In the wider context of Javanese culture, however, it is Javanese men who strive to cultivate politeness for the purpose of expressing their superior status and authority. The potentially coercive or political power of politeness in Javanese is related to the ambiguity of the polite codes themselves, which may be used to express both deference or humility on the one hand and status, refinement, and power on the other. Speech patterns are linked to a number of social-structural variables: patterns of socialization, models of appropriate male and female linguistic behavior, and men's and women's social roles and typical spheres of interest. Where, as in Java, polite codes are associated with public power and control, we should expect that men may be especially concerned with the cultivation of polite styles of speech. (Politeness, gender roles, linguistic socialization, Indonesia)

The Relationship between SOUR and some Process Parameters in Activated Sludge System

2012 ◽  
Vol 462 ◽  
pp. 169-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xue Feng Wang ◽  
Yu Gui Jia ◽  
Dan Li
Keyword(s):  
Biological Activity ◽  
Activated Sludge ◽  
Oxygen Uptake Rate ◽  
Control Parameters ◽  
Activated Sludge System ◽  
Pollutant Concentrations ◽  
The Status ◽  
Specific Oxygen Uptake Rate ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

Specific oxygen uptake rate (SOUR), which reveals the status of activated sludge physiology and substrate metabolism by detecting respiration rate of microorganisms, is an important parameter reflecting the biological activity of activated sludge. Through the measurement of SOUR in SBR system, the SOUR variation and the correlation between SOUR and pollutant concentrations and control parameters in SBR process were studied. The result showed that SOUR can effectively reflect the biochemical reaction course of SBR process. There was better correlation between the SOUR and DO, ORP and pH in SBR process.

scholarly journals The earliest origins and suppression of trade unionism in the Fiji Islands

1970 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Hince
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Fiji Islands ◽  
The Status ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

This paper examines the earliest example of trade union activity in Fiji canvassing both the origins and suppression. The style of colonial government, especially when the status quo is threatened, the relationship between commercial interests and colonial officials and government, and the extent to which colonial governments of the time were prepared to infringe on individual rights in pursuit of "law and order" and the exercise of "paternal rights", are examined within the context of the events surrounding the emergence and control of labour unrest.

scholarly journals Analysis of Pax-Ottomanica in Minorities Society : A Case Study of Millet System

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-150
Author(s):  
Cut Meurah Rahman ◽  
Ida Fitriana
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Relationship

This paper focuses on Pax-Ottomanica in a case study of the Millet System through multi ethnic and multi religious communities in the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the Millet System has successfully roamed people in Europe, Asia, and Africa for nearly 600 years. This paper also discusses Islamic law on the relationship between other religions such as Judaism and Christianity. This study uses a qualitative method with a whole literature approach. Based on the data analyzed, it was found that harmony occurs between fellow religious and ethnic people with the freedom to embrace their respective religions and maintain their respective cultures. This paper aims to analyze the state of the multi-ethnic and multi-religious society in the Ottoman Empire by providing various references from both Turkish and Western historians. In addition, this paper aims to introduce Ottoman-style freedom through this Millet system, which has succeeded in bringing all non-Muslim communities into one Ottoman commonwealth.

War and Captivity

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Smiley
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The Status ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Peace Treaties

This chapter explores the relationship between war and captivity in the seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire, emphasizing the scale of cross-border enslavement and the customary and Islamic legal rules governing who could be enslaved, and when. The chapter approaches these rules by examining the the extent of Ottoman sovereignty, illustrating differences between the status of Ottoman Muslims, Ottoman non-Muslims, tributary states, non-Ottoman Muslims, Christian states with peace treaties or commercial treaties (Capitulations), and enemy states. Using the 1735–39 Russo–Ottoman War as a case study, it explores how Ottoman forces used raids and open warfare to enslave both military and civilian enemies. The chapter then more briefly reviews these same questions for the Ottomans’ Russian rivals, and for European states. This chapter, along with Chapter 2, lays out the status quo before the sweeping eighteenth-century changes charted in the rest of the book.

scholarly journals Politicizing Muslim Mental Health Toward a Decolonial Framework

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarek Younis
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Large Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Emerging Trends ◽  
Global North ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Relationship

There is a growing recognition that mental illness should be taken more seriously within Muslim communities. In this are emerging trends to Islamicise psychology or psychologise Islam, whereby the former attempts to adapt contemporary psychological practices for Muslims, while the latter endeavours to indigenise and establish a psychology rooted firmly in Islamic traditions. Yet a large body of interdisciplinary works has argued that Muslims are uniquely positioned vis-à-vis Nation-States across the Global North. There is thus a need to underscore the significance of the political which underpins the relationship between ‘Muslim’ and ‘mental health’. The political will be explored by addressing three paradigms and their particular relationship to Muslim mental health: neoliberalism, nationalism and securitisation. I argue that Muslim mental health, irrespective of approach or discipline, is unique in its ability to serve power and ensure Muslims remain productive, loyal and low-risk citizens of the Nation-State. Emerging Muslim mental health models may succeed in their stated objective—alleviate suffering or raise God consciousness—but they do not address the political dimension underlying mental health practice itself. I argue that a movement towards decolonising mental health must remain in constant dialectical resistance with dominant ideological paradigms and be rooted in an interdisciplinary praxis established upon the Islamic paradigm of trusteeship (waqf). This ensures suffering is neither commodified nor compartmentalised outside of the wider Western Muslim experience.

scholarly journals Late Qing parliamentarism and the borderlands of the Qing Empire—Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang (1906–1911)

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
Egas Moniz Bandeira
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Direct Application ◽  
Qing Empire ◽  
Late Qing ◽  
The Status ◽  
Conflicting Interests ◽  
Sparse Population ◽  
Chinese Intellectuals ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the relationship between the late Qing constitutional movement of 1905–1911 and the vast borderland regions of the Qing Empire–that is, Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang. It traces how intellectuals and officials concerned with devising constitutional policies foresaw the integration of these regions into the nascent parliamentary institutions at the provincial and central levels. The article argues that the status of the borderlands played a significant role in late Qing constitutional debates, and that debates on borderland constitutionalism were a phenomenon of a wider constitutional wave affecting Eurasia in the 1900s. Chinese intellectuals and officials felt the competition of the emerging parliamentary institutions in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and anticipating that constitutional and parliamentarist movements among Mongols, Tibetans, and Turki could lead to the separation of the respective regions, they hoped that parliamentary representation, albeit limited, would be an instrument against centrifugal tendencies on the borders. Hence, they called for constitutional reforms in China and for the inclusion of the borderland populations into the new parliamentary institutions. Yet, arguing with the sparse population of the borderlands as well as with their alleged economic and cultural backwardness, they denied the direct application of the constitutional plan to these territories. The differentiated policies eventually applied to the borderlands were a lackluster compromise between these conflicting interests.

Kazakhstan’s Economic Growth in the Context of the World Economy

2006 ◽  
pp. 133-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Arystanbekov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
World Ocean ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
Crude Petroleum ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

Kazakhstan’s economic policy results in 1995-2005 are considered in the article. In particular, the analysis of the relationship between economic growth and some indicators of nation states - population, territory, direct access to the World Ocean, and extraction of crude petroleum - is presented. Basic problems in the sphere of economic policy in Kazakhstan are formulated.

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