Ukrainian Language in Polish Public Space

Ukrainian Language in Polish Public SpaceThe article deals with examples of the use of Ukrainian in Polish public space. Ukrainians are the largest immigrant group in Poland, with an estimated 2 million people. Most of them speak Polish at an elementary level. This situation has led to the appearance in Polish public space of Ukrainian-language advertising of banks, mobile operators, cinemas, various services, information about the COVID-19 pandemic, and so on. Although formally the Ukrainian language remains exclusively the language of a national minority, its use indicates an increasing need for Ukrainian-language advertising in various environments. Język ukraiński w polskiej przestrzeni publicznejAutor omawia przykłady użycia języka ukraińskiego w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej. Ukraińcy są największą grupą imigrantów w Polsce, jej wielkość jest szacowana na 2 miliony osób. Większość z nich posługuje się językiem polskim na poziomie podstawowym. Ta sytuacja spowodowała, że w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej pojawiły się ukraińskojęzyczne reklamy banków, operatorów telefonii komórkowej, kin, różnych usług, również informacje o pandemii COVID-19 itd. Mimo że formalnie język ukraiński pozostaje wyłącznie językiem mniejszości narodowej, jego użycie wskazuje na rosnące zapotrzebowanie na ukraińskojęzyczną reklamę w różnych sferach życia.

A-46 The Influence of Acculturation on Mexicans and Guatemalans Cordoba Naming Test Performance

Objective The United States carries a diverse Latinx population. This population largely consists of Mexicans however, there has been a population decrease since 2010. Though, the Guatemalan population has increased since 2010 and has become the third most growing population in the United States. Previous research shows that level of acculturation influences neuropsychological test performance. The Córdoba Naming Test (CNT) is a confrontation naming test created for Spanish-speakers. We examined the relationship between acculturation and CNT performance in a Latinx sample that immigrated to the United States. Method The sample consisted of 44 Mexicans and 14 Guatemalans that were neurologically and psychologically healthy residents. All the participants completed the CNT and the Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AMAS) in Spanish. ANOVAs were used to examine CNT performance and acculturation on the AMAS subscales. Results Results revealed the Guatemalan immigrant group outperformed the Mexican immigrant group on the CNT, p = 0.035, ηp2 = 0.08. Additionally, we found that on the English language subscale of the AMAS, the Mexican immigrant group reported higher English language levels than the Guatemalan immigrant group, p = 0.002, ηp2 = 0.16. Conclusion Our findings showed that Guatemalans demonstrated better CNT performance compared to Mexicans. To our knowledge, this is the first study to examine confrontation naming performance in a Latinx immigrant sample. Furthermore, we found that Mexicans reported higher English language compared to Guatemalans. Future research on the CNT with larger samples should investigate possible interactions between acculturation and other cultural variables (e.g., bilingualism) in the interpretation of test performance in a Latinx immigrant population.

Trajectories of incorporation and the socioeconomic status of immigrants in Spain during the economic crisis: The case of the Basque Country

Spain has experienced a major social transformation, which is the result of immigration. This article looks at the differences that occur in their trajectories of incorporation, taking into consideration the socioeconomic, migratory and legal variables. The results show the social stratification of the immigrant group and the differences in terms of internal inequality. Furthermore, it has been noted that while in a period of economic boom, human capital was the most important factor in explaining a rising incorporation, in the period of recession, duration of stay is the crucial variable, not so much for a rising incorporation, but to maintain the same socioeconomic status.

Re-envisioning Caribbean Costa Rica

While West Indians constituted a much larger immigrant group in the port of Limón, Costa Rica and its environs, Chinese also migrated there during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In hopes of maintaining their culture and in response to the prejudice they faced, both groups formed their own tightknit transnational subcommunities. Nevertheless, they also interacted with each other. These interactions ranged from tension and conflict on the one hand, to routine, peaceful interaction and even collaboration on the other. In particular, class differences and the marginalization these groups experienced combined to produce this complex relationship. Tension and conflict often emerged due to both sides hoping to move up the social ladder and because of the economic power that many Chinese held as shopkeepers and lenders. Nevertheless, as groups experiencing social marginalization and living in proximity to each other, they could develop neutral or positive social and economic relationships.

Healthcare without borders: A cross-sectional study of immigrant and nonimmigrant children admitted to a large public sector hospital in the Gauteng Province of South Africa

Background Human migration is a worldwide phenomenon that receives considerable attention from the media and healthcare authorities alike. A significant proportion of children seen at public sector health facilities in South Africa (SA) are immigrants, and gaps have previously been noted in their healthcare provision. The objective of the study was to describe the characteristics and differences between the immigrant and SA children admitted to Kalafong Provincial Tertiary Hospital (KPTH), a large public sector hospital in the urban Gauteng Province of SA. Methods and findings A cross-sectional study was conducted over a 4-month period during 2016 to 2017. Information was obtained through a structured questionnaire and health record review. The enrolled study participants included 508 children divided into 2 groups, namely 271 general paediatric patients and 237 neonates. Twenty-five percent of children in the neonatal group and 22.5% in the general paediatric group were immigrants. The parents/caregivers of the immigrant group had a lower educational level (p < 0.0001 neonatal and paediatric), lower income (neonatal p < 0.001; paediatric p = 0.024), difficulty communicating in English (p < 0.001 neonatal and paediatric), and were more likely residing in informal settlements (neonatal p = 0.001; paediatric p = 0.007) compared to the SA group. In the neonatal group, there was no difference in the number of antenatal care (ANC) visits, type of delivery, gestational age, and birth weight. In the general paediatric group, there was no difference in immunisation and vitamin A supplementation coverage, but when comparing growth, the immigrant group had more malnutrition compared to the SA group (p = 0.029 for wasting). There was no difference in the prevalence of maternal human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection, with equally good prevention of mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT) coverage. There was also no difference in reported difficulties by immigrants in terms of access to healthcare (neonatal p = 0.379; paediatric p = 0.246), although a large proportion (10%) of the neonates of immigrant mothers were born outside a medical facility. Conclusions Although there were health-related differences between immigrant and SA children accessing in-hospital care, these were fewer than expected. Differences were found in parental educational level and socioeconomic factors, but these did not significantly affect ANC attendance, delivery outcomes, immunisation coverage, HIV prevalence, or PMTCT coverage. The immigrant population should be viewed as a high-risk group, with potential problems including suboptimal child growth. Health workers should advocate for all children in the community they are serving and promote tolerance, respect, and equal healthcare access.

Affective Practice of Soldiering: How Sharing Images Is Used to Spread Extremist and Racist Ethos on Soldiers of Odin Facebook Site

The paper explores how visual affective practice is used to spread and bolster a nationalist, extremist and racist ethos on the public Facebook page of the anti-immigrant group, Soldiers of Odin. Affective practice refers to a particular sensibility of political discourse, shaped by social formations and digital technologies—the contexts in which political groups or communities gather, discuss and act. The study shows how visual affective practice and sharing and responding to images fortify moral claims, sense exclusionary solidarity and promote white nationalist masculinity which legitimizes racist practices of “soldiering.” By examining both the representations and their reactions (emoticons), the study demonstrates how ideas and values are collectively strengthened through affective sharing and are supported by platform infrastructures. Most importantly, it demonstrates that instead of considering the affect of protecting the nation as a natural result of “authentic” gut feeling, we should understand the ways it is purposefully and collectively produced and circulated.

How Assad changed population growth in Sweden and Norway: Syrian refugees’ impact on Nordic national and municipal demography

In an increasingly interconnected world, the demographic effects of wars are not confined only to war zones and neighbouring areas; wars and conflicts may also change populations far away. Without the war in Syria under President Assad and the associated mass exodus of Syrian refugees, the population trends in distant countries like Sweden and Norway over the last few years would have been different. We create hypothetical scenarios of the population developments in Sweden and Norway without a war in Syria from 2011 onwards, where excess immigration due to the war and associated excess births are removed. The results indicate that population growth in 2016 would have been roughly 36% lower in Sweden and 26% lower in Norway without the Syrian war. The number of births in 2017 would have been about 3% lower in Sweden and 1% lower in Norway. One in ten municipalities would have had a population decline in 2016 instead of a population increase, and the largest immigrant group in Sweden by January 2019 would still be of Finnish origin.

Asian American Mobilization and Political Identities

Immigrants from Asia have been a defining feature of demographic change over the last quarter century in the United States. The 2000 US Census identified Asian Americans as the fastest growing immigrant group in the nation and the Pew Research Center estimates that Asian Americans will become the largest immigrant group in the country by 2055. With that growth has come the development of a vibrant scholarly literature examining Asian American political participation in the United States. This article is designed to provide an overview of the major foundational studies that explore Asian American political behavior, including mobilization and participation in American politics. The earliest research began in the fields of political science and sociology and consider the viability of a panethnic Asian American identity as a unit of analysis for group-based behavior and political interests. Numerous scholars have considered the circumstances under which panethnic Asian American identity can be activated toward group behavior, and how differences in national origin can lead to variations in behavioral outcomes. Participation in American politics, however, is rooted in many other factors such as socioeconomics, one’s experience as an immigrant, ties to the home country, and structural barriers to activism. Individual resources have long been considered an essential component to understanding political participation. Yet, Asian Americans present a puzzle in American politics, evincing higher education and income while participating in politics at a more modest rate. In response to this puzzle, scholars have theorized that structural conditions and the experience faced by Asian immigrants are powerful mechanisms in understanding the determinants of Asian American political participation. Once considered to have relatively weak partisan attachment and little interaction with the two major parties in the United States, studies that examine the development of partisan attachment among Asian Americans are explored which, more recently, find that a growing majority of Asian Americans have shown a preference for the Democratic Party. Finally, we detail studies examining the conditions under which Asian American candidates emerge and are successful, the co-ethnic electorate who supports them, and conclude by detailing the opportunities and constraints for cross-racial collaboration and conflict.