The Democratic Revolution at Rhodes

1961 ◽  
Vol 11 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 166-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. A. F. Bruce
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The People ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
New Information ◽  
Democratic Revolution

At some time during the years 398–395 B.C. the people of Rhodes revolted against Sparta, freed themselves from the oppression of the Spartan empire and admitted to their city the Persian fleet commanded by Conon, the Athenian. This fact was overlooked by Xenophon, but reported by Diodorus (14. 79. 6) and Pausanias (6. 7. 6) who quotes Androtion. It seemed, before the discovery of the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, that the revolt of Rhodes from Sparta was in some way associated with internal party strife, for Xenophon relates that exiled Rhodian oligarchs appealed to Sparta for help in 391 B.C. Such an interrelation between internal politics and foreign policy had, of course, been a feature of Greek political life since the early years of the Peloponnesian War, as Thucydides was not slow to recognize. The discovery of the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, which devotes a chapter to a democratic revolution at Rhodes in 395 B.C, provided a good deal of new information on the political situation in that city, notably that, contrary to what we might have expected, the revolt from Sparta and the democratic revolution were not contemporaneous. Let us review briefly the details of these two events as far as our information permits.

El pueblo de México y la política capitalina, 1808 y 1812

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Growth ◽  
Substantial Role ◽  
The People ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The City

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.

The 1927 Soviet War Scare: The Foreign Affairs-Domestic Policy Nexus Revisited

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Hugh D. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Local Police ◽  
Relations Of Power

The Soviet War Scare of 1927 is usually treated solely within the bounds of Soviet political machinations. This study explores the connection between Bolshevik domestic and foreign policy in the War Scare of 1927 with a focus on the peasants. The peasants in the early years of the NEP were seeking a compromise with the regime, seeing the relations of power following the war, the civil war, and horrendous famine of 1921-1922, not in their favor. The War Scare of 1927 altered how both the peasants and the regime saw one another and the possibility of compromise. The rumors of war were soon coupled with threats of peasants uprising against the communists. By fall 1927, both the local police in their svodki and the central OGPU in its summary reports to the political leadership were describing a mounting confrontational atmosphere among the peasants. Given the heightened anxieties within the leadership regarding the Soviet Union’s ability to defend itself, concern over the reliability of the peasantry and a demand to know more fully about the “political situation in the countryside” had reached a fever pitch. Surveiling the countryside, both the central OGPU and the party leadership concluded, not without some evidence, that a growing number of peasants desired a showdown. The War Scare of 1927 added significantly to the factors that helped set the process of collectivization in motion.

scholarly journals GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY

1999 ◽  
pp. 276-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Markoff
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
The People ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
The Future ◽  
Democratic Revolution

Writing on the eve of the democratic breakthrough of the late eighteenth century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau gave vivid voice to a critique of the political institutions across the Channel that were admired by so many French reformers of the day. Commenting scornfully on British electoral practice, he observed in 1762 that:"The people of England regards itself as free, but it is gravely mistaken. It is free only during the election of Parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing. The use it makes of the short moments of liberty it enjoys merits losing them." Rousseau's contention about the limitations of electoral institutions was in no way superseded by the age of democratic revolution that followed. From the 1790s to the present, there have been recurrent complaints about the depth of popular involvement in political life, the reality of popular control over powerholders, and the possibility that the existence of some form of institutional channel for participation could blind publics to the inadequacy of that participation. Rousseau's critique has repeatedly reappeared in one form or another and has informed movements for a more genuine democratization.

The Cycle of Agathias: New Identifications Scrutinised

1969 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 87-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. McCail
Keyword(s):  
Recent Article ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Subject ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Dead Man ◽  
Published Account

The Cycle of sixth-century epigrams edited by Agathias Scholasticus is the subject of a recent article by Mr and Mrs A. Cameron (JHS lxxxvi [1966] 6 ff.), who argue cogently that it was published in the early years of Justin II, and not the later years of Justinian, as has hitherto been supposed. Ca. also suggest identifications for many of the poets and imperial officials who figure in the Cycle. They do not, however, exhaust all the identifications that can be made, and some of those suggested by them require amplification or correction. Furthermore, Ca.'s view of the dating of the Cycle leads them, it seems to me, to underestimate its Justinianic character. The following observations are offered without prejudice to the merit of Ca.'s article as a whole.Among the Cyclic poets, only Julian the ex-Prefect of the East stands in close relationship to the political life of the age. His involvement in the Nika insurrection of 532 is attested by historical sources and, as Ca. claim (13), by two epigrams of the Anthology. The latter, however, contain difficulties passed over by Ca. In the first place, of the two epigrams on the cenotaph of Hypatius, only AP vii 591 is certainly from Julian's pen; vii 592 is unattributed in the Palatine MS., a fact which Ca. omit to mention. (It is absent from the Planudean MS.) The state of affairs in P is no accident, vii 591, though eulogising the dead man and alluding openly to the casting of his corpse into the sea, is moderate in tone, and would have caused no more offence to Justinian than Procopius's published account of the affair.

المساعي السياسية والإصلاحية للإمام أبي الوليد الباجي

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 537-548
Author(s):  
Sebbane Habib ◽  
Omar Boukhri
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Umayyad Caliphate ◽  
Scientific Life

After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate, the Andalusian Islamic state witnessed a political rupture as a result of chaos, rivalries and sectarian conflicts throughout the fifth century AH corresponding to the eleventh century AD. These dangerous security breakdowns led to the disintegration and division of the Islamic Caliphate in Andalusia into a group of independent kingdoms and small emirates which ultimately found themselves on one hand in permanent wars between them, and on the other in skirmishes with the neighbouring Christian forces. This fact contributed to lack of stability and peace of these lands and the establishment of weak governing systems for a long time. This political situation stressed the worsening of their social conditions and their scientific life. Nevertheless, this situation generated a motivating nostalgia and rage in some scholars and jurists such as Imam Abū al-Walīd al-Bājī who is considered one of the key-figures and scholars of Andalusia. He had a prominent role in pushing forward and reviving scientific life by setting various new foundations in order to reform some fields. His writings were directed for educational purposes. Besides, he included the reform of Islamic jurisprudence, which was aimed primarily for jurists and rulers. Furthermore, some of his writings were sermons and ethical moral instructions for commoners. His endeavours led him to enter the political life as he assumed the judicial profession of a judge, that enabled him to be in more touch with the various kings of sects giving him the chance to advise and guide them. His efforts in that end resulted in seeking to reunite the kings of the sects and their princes under the banner of Islam and unite their forces for the defence of Muslim presence in Andalusia against the Christian threat.

scholarly journals STRATEGI DAKWAH SIASYAH PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN DI JAWABARAT

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok
Keyword(s):  
World Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Missionary Movement ◽  
Or Organization

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.

ENTREPRENEURS OF THE CENTRAL BLACK EARTH REGION IN 1917 - EARLY 1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Self ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Historiography

On the basis of published and previously unexplored archival materials from Voronezh, Orel, Kursk, Tambov, Bryansk, the self-organization and relationship with the government of entrepreneurs of the Central Black Earth Region in the period from spring 1917 to summer 1918 is studied. Studying this social group is important for understanding the balance of power in the region. The author comes to the conclusion that entrepreneurs, despite their active participation in political life in the spring and summer of 1917, due to the preservation of traditional ideas about power and the desire to protect and enhance their rights, could not have a significant impact on the development of the political situation in the region. Entrepreneurs did not enjoy exclusive support from government bodies, including government, which refutes the concept that existed in Soviet historiography about the bourgeois nature of the February regime. Moreover, in resolving conflicts, the authorities in 1917 tried to take into account, first of all, the interests of workers. This situation worsened even more for the bourgeoisie with the coming to power of the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who not only supported workers' demands, but also openly robbed entrepreneurs with the help of indemnities. Nevertheless, in order to maintain peace, the Soviet government (especially by the summer of 1918) tried to resolve relations between workers and employers for mutual benefit. At the same time, during the period under study, conflicts between workers and employers reached a high intensity relatively rarely, leaving room for agreements and dialogue, which, however, narrowed.

Mrs Gandhi’s Personalisation of Power, 1966–1975

2021 ◽  
pp. 275-312
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil
Keyword(s):  
Power Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Authoritarian Personality ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This chapter focuses on the internal factors that led to the declaration of the Emergency. It primarily explores Mrs Gandhi’s authoritarian personality and the deinstitutionalisation of the Congress Party. The power structure within the Congress, especially after Mrs Gandhi split the party in 1969, meant that checks and balances ceased to exist. This factionalism enabled her to impose her authoritarian tendencies on the government as safeguards were dismantled. The chapter further explores the relation between authoritarianism and populism. It uses the political situation in India from the late 1960s to the early 1970s as an illustration. Mrs Gandhi, like other populist leaders, was convinced that she was the people of India. This idea was epitomised by D. K. Barooah’s slogan: ‘Indira is India and India is Indira.’

Doctors, Politics and Pay Disputes: ‘pressure Group Politics’ Revisited

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore R. Marmor ◽  
David Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Medical Association ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civic Life ◽  
The Third ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
Medical Groups ◽  
Group Politics ◽  
The Impact

Studies of medical politics usually emphasize one of the following types of inquiries: (a) analyzing the internal politics of medical organizations, as with Oliver Garceau's classic study of the American Medical Association; (b) describing and explaining the roles individual physicians play in the political life of the community as voters, officials, or citizen participants in civic life; or, (c) assessing the impact of medical groups and organizations on public policy, particularly health policy. Harry Eckstein's widely known study of the British Medical Association is primarily a study of the third type, a discussion of the channels of influence, the tactics, and the effectiveness of the BMA in shaping public policy to its ends.

Geography and Foreign Policy, I

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Spykman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Simultaneous Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
The People ◽  
Geographic Factor ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
Human Destiny

“La politique de toutes les puissances est dans leur géographie,” conceded the man whose famous retort, “Circonstances? Moi, je fais les circonstances,” indicates his contempt for any agency but the human will as the arbiter of human destiny. But since the Red Sea parted for Moses and the sun obligingly paused for Joshua, the human will has been unable to recapture the control over topography and climate exhibited by those forceful gentlemen, and it is probably safe to say that it was by Russian geography rather than by men that the diminutive Corsican was finally defeated. If he is still living, there is at Waterloo even today a loyal guide who asserts with unshakable conviction that neither genius nor skill but a swampy ditch gave that victory to Wellington.Unfortunately for the political scientist with a fondness for simplification, but fortunately for the statesman striving to overcome the geographic handicaps of his country, neither does the entire foreign policy of a country lie in geography, nor does any part of that policy lie entirely in geography. The factors that condition the policy of states are many; they are permanent and temporary, obvious and hidden; they include, apart from the geographic factor, population density, the economic structure of the country, the ethnic composition of the people, the form of government, and the complexes and pet prejudices of foreign ministers; and it is their simultaneous action and interaction that create the complex phenomenon known as “foreign policy.”

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