scholarly journals The Four Faces of Authoritarian Populism and Their Consequences on Journalistic Freedom: A Lesson Learnt From Indonesia's 2019 Presidential Election

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Nyarwi Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Thematic Content ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
Tv News ◽  
Content Analyses ◽  
Emerging Democracy ◽  
Depth Interviews

Abstract This article explores authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies that political elites who ran in the election advanced and their consequences on journalistic freedom in an emerging democracy. It focuses on Indonesia's democracy and examines the following questions: what types of authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies did Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subijanto adopt when contesting Indonesia's 2019 presidential election? To what degree did these adaptations impact the journalistic freedom of those who worked for Indonesian mainstream media, particularly Indonesian private TV news channels? In-depth interviews with four senior journalists associated with Indonesian TV news channels (Kompas TV, CNN Indonesia, TV One, and INews TV) and two senior journalists working for mainstream media owned by influential Indonesian oligarchs used qualitative and thematic content analyses to reveal the following findings. Jokowi and Prabowo adopted secular nationalist and Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation during the election. However, Prabowo developed Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation far more than Jokowi. Jokowi advanced an oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategy, while Prabowo established an intensive Islamic anti-oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategy. As authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies evolved during their campaigns, the journalistic freedom of those associated with Indonesian mainstream media declined substantially. This article introduces four faces of authoritarian populism — secular nationalist and Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation and oligarchic and anti-oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategies — as new concepts enriching political elites’ authoritarian populism literature.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

The Propaganda Pipeline: Hacking the Core from the Periphery

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Core ◽  
Media Ecosystem ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cation Sites

This chapter examines the claim that alt-right activists hacked the media ecosystem byinserting various destructive memes into the mainstream media that helped DonaldTrump win the 2016 presidential election. In particular, this chapter considers thepropaganda pipeline—the path from the periphery to the core through a series ofwell-known amplifi cation sites, most prominently Infowars and Drudge. Th e “spiritcooking” stories as seen on Infowars, Washington Times, and Sean Hannity perfectlyencapsulate the propaganda pipeline from the periphery to the core, drawingin the various suspects in producing information disorder. Th e chapter also showshow statements by marginal actors on Reddit and 4chan were collated and preparedfor propagation by more visible sites, and how this technique was exploited by bothalt-right and Russia-related actors successfully to get a story from the periphery toHannity.

scholarly journals Authoritarian Populism in Indonesia: The Role of the Political Campaign Industry in Engineering Consent and Coercion

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The People

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”

scholarly journals A turbulent time: government sources post-2016 presidential election

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-142
Author(s):  
Alicia Kubas
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Academic Librarians ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Information ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Content Type ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
Depth Interviews

Purpose Since the 2016 presidential election, hyper-partisanship has become a regular facet of the political landscape with Democrats and Republicans in increasing conflict. The purpose of this paper is to determine if perception of government sources related to trust and credibility has changed since the 2016 election and if the experiences and strategies of librarians who teach or consult about government information has changed in response to this environment. Design/methodology/approach A 24-question survey was distributed to garner qualitative and quantitative responses from librarians who teach or consult about government information in an academic environment. A total of 122 responses were used for analysis. Findings Academic librarians are seeing more concern from patrons about disappearing online government information and wider distrust of government information. Librarians also noticed that the political leanings of students color their perspective around government sources and that librarians also need to keep their political beliefs in check. Respondents emphasized a need for more government literacy and information literacy topics when discussing evaluation of government sources. Research limitations/implications The data collection only included responses from academic librarians. Further research could include in-depth interviews and look at experiences in various library types. Originality/value With the timeliness of this topic, there has not been an in-depth investigation into how the Trump administration has changed user trust and perception of government sources from the librarian’s point of view. This paper continues the conversation about how librarians can address the growing distrust of government information and give us insight into the effects of a turbulent political climate on government sources.

scholarly journals Media, Culture and Indigenous Languages in Pakistan: A Critical Review

2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 27-33
Author(s):  
Irem Sultana ◽  
Malik Adnan ◽  
Muhammad Imran Mehsud
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Indigenous Languages ◽  
Media Culture ◽  
Native Languages ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Study Results ◽  
The Media ◽  
Depth Interviews

This research paper inspected the role of Pakistani media to protect indigenous languages and culture in Pakistan. The study examined the situation; if Pakistani media outpours concern with the native languages or not. The article also checked the media landscape, its language-wise segregation and scenario of literacy in different areas of the country. The outcomes of the study showed that Pakistani media is neglecting the indigenous languages. The study results exhibited clearly that media houses’ focus on protecting native languages, is not profound. The findings also showed that foreign ownership of Media houses plays a role in neglecting indigenous language promotions. The current study presented that Pakistani mainstream media is damaging the local and native languages. The study was the outcome of qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews of senior communication experts.

scholarly journals A Venezuelan Position on the Bolivarian Revolution

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-13
Author(s):  
Douglas Amundaray
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Knowledge Production ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Analytical Approach ◽  
Bolivarian Revolution ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The World ◽  
The Impact

My interest in politics started during my high school years. At 13 I got hooked on the Venezuelan political scenario with the same intensity as most adults. It is not usual for a teenager to be interested in politics, but the impact of the 1998 Venezuelan presidential election was so significant, the coverage by media so widespread, that it was practically inevitable that I would become enthralled in the outcome. “How does who you are and where you stand in relation to others shape what you know about the world?” By raising this question, David Takacs (2002) introduces the importance of positionality to knowledge production. Positionality provides a way to understand how objective or subjective researchers are during knowledge production (Lave & Wenger, 1991). I can firmly say that the representations portrayed in Venezuela’s mainstream media built up my character, and shaped the analytical approach that I follow today as a scholar.

scholarly journals KIAI NU DAN POLITIK (KETERLIBATAN KIAI NU JEMBER DALAM KONTESTASI PILPRES 2019)

Fenomena ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Abdul Haris ◽  
Abdulloh Dardum
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Data Presentation ◽  
Political Work ◽  
The People ◽  
Data Collection Process ◽  
Pair Number ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Two Stages ◽  
Depth Interviews

Kajian tentang dinamika dan kiprah politik kiai selalu menarik untuk terus dikaji dari berbagai sudut pandang berbeda. Pada kontestasi Pilpres 2019, beberapa kiai NU struktural maupun non struktural di Jember terlibat aktif dalam memenangkan pasangan calon no urut 1, Jokowi dan Ma’ruf Amin. Penelitian ini ingin mengungkap makna politik dalam perpsektif kiai NU Jember, serta motivasi dan bentuk keterlibatan mereka dalam kontestasi politik praktis (Pilpres 2019). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Secara operasional penggalian data dalam peneilitian ini dilakukan dengan cara pengamatan, wawancara mendalam terhadap para informan yang sudah ditetapkan, dan dokumentasi. Data yang didapatkan setelah itu dianalisa melalui dua tahap, yaitu selama proses pengumpulan data di lapangan dan setelah data tersebut terkumpul dengan langkah; 1) reduksi data, 2) penyajian data, dan 3) penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa 1) Mayoritas kiai NU Jember memaknai politik sebagai perjuangan untuk mewujudkan kemashlahatan umat. Politik juga dimaknai dengan upaya untuk menjaga aqidah umat dari faham atau ideologi yang berseberangan dengan NU. 2) Ada dua motivasi yang mendorong keterlibatan kiai NU Jember dalam politik praktis, yaitu orientasi dakwah dan orientasi ideologis. 3) Bentuk keterlibatan kiai NU dalam politik praktis (Pilpres 2019) di Kabupaten Jember dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, diantaranya memberikan dukungan melalui edaran/maklumat, konsolidasi sesama kiai dan instruksi secara langsung kepada para santri, wali santri, dewan guru/asatidz, alumni dan simpatisan pesantren. The dynamics and political work of the kiai are always interesting to be studied from various points of view. In the 2019 presidential election contest, several structural and non-structural NU kiai in Jember were actively involved in winning the candidate pair number 1, Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin. This research intends to reveal the political meaning from the perspective of the kiai NU Jember, as well as their motives and forms of involvement in practical political contestation (Pilpres 2019). This research was conducted using a qualitative approach. Operationally the data mining in this research was carried out through observation, in-depth interviews with the informants who had been assigned, and documentation. The data obtained after that were analyzed in two stages, namely during the data collection process in the field and after the data was collected by steps; 1) data reduction, 2) data presentation, and 3) concluding. The results of this study indicate that 1) The majority of NU Jember kiai interpret politics as a struggle to achieve the benefit of the people. Politics is also interpreted as an effort to protect the aqidah of the people from opposing ideologies or ideologies. 2) There are two motivations that encourage the involvement of the Jember NU kiai in practical politics, namely dakwah orientation and ideological orientation. 3) The form of involvement of NU kiai in practical politics (2019 Presidential Election) in Jember Regency is carried out in several ways, including providing support through circulars/announcements, consolidation of fellow kiai and direct instruction to students, guardians of santri, a board of teachers/asatidz, alumni and pesantren sympathizers.

scholarly journals Reidentifikasi Konsep dan Teori Dalam Memahami Fenomena Blind Spot Penelitian Pariwisata di Bali

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 433
Author(s):  
I Putu Anom ◽  
I Gusti Agung Oka Mahagangga ◽  
I Made Bayu Ariwangssa ◽  
I Gusti Ayu Athina Wulandari
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Methodology ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Blind Spot ◽  
Scientific Discipline ◽  
Scientific Methods ◽  
New Science ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Concept Theory ◽  
Depth Interviews

Tourism science has been recognized as a scientific discipline in Indonesia since 2008. However, because of this interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary genealogy, it creates many scientific problems. The purpose of this paper is to understanding concept and theory of tourism science that very complex. The research was conducted in Bali, using qualitative methodology with library study methods, observation and in-depth interviews. The technique of determining informants used purposive sampling and qualitative data analysis techniques. The results of the study show that the concepts and theories of tourism are still largely referring to previously established sciences with many borrowing concepts, theories and other scientific methods. This fact make “the big machine of concept and theory” trigger as a blind spot. Very natural for a new science with interest wide ranging subject / object of research. Such an approach, the research findings that blind spot phenomenon in tourism research can be solved. In the industrial revolution 4.0 era, for existence tourism science more research must produce new concepts, theories and innovations. Keywords: Concept, theory, blind spot, science, tourism

Analysis of Anti-Domestic Violence Policy Implementation in Georgia Using Contextual Interaction Theory (CIT)

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
NINO JAVAKHISHVILI ◽  
GVANTSA JIBLADZE
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Social Acceptance ◽  
Policy Framework ◽  
Interaction Theory ◽  
Domestic Violence Policy ◽  
Country Of Georgia ◽  
Emerging Democracy ◽  
Depth Interviews

AbstractThis study examines the development of anti-domestic-violence policy implementation in an emerging democracy, the country of Georgia. We applied a public policy framework – Contextual Interaction Theory (CIT) – which enabled us to thoroughly examine factors contributing to drawbacks in anti-domestic-violence policy implementation. The CIT framework was enriched by expanding it to the scale of the national anti-domestic-violence policy and placing greater emphasis on the victim. The qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews and media reveals that public policy implementers lack motivation, information and power to be able to really implement the anti-domestic-violence policy. The CIT analysis of domestic violence (DV) policies demonstrates that DV problems are further exacerbated by the contextual factors of societal attitudes in terms of gender inequality and social acceptance of DV, which creates unfavorable context for the realisation of the anti-DV policy. In such circumstances, according to the CIT, only symbolic realisation of a policy takes place. The use of CIT as a tool for the implementation of a policy will provide substantial input into its realisation. Based on this theory, it is crucial to increase information, motivation and power of implementers, as well as change the context for the anti-DV policy to be actually implemented.

scholarly journals A Psychological Profile of the Alt-Right

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick S. Forscher ◽  
Nour S. Kteily
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Mechanical Turk ◽  
Social Discourse ◽  
Psychological Profile ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Economic Anxiety ◽  
Amazon's Mechanical Turk ◽  
The U.S

The 2016 U.S. presidential election coincided with the rise of the “alternative right,” or alt-right. Alt-right associates have wielded considerable influence on the current administration and on social discourse, but the movement’s loose organizational structure has led to disparate portrayals of its members’ psychology and made it difficult to decipher its aims and reach. To systematically explore the alt-right’s psychology, we recruited two U.S. samples: An exploratory sample through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk ( N = 827, alt-right n = 447) and a larger, nationally representative sample through the National Opinion Research Center’s Amerispeak panel ( N = 1,283, alt-right n = 71–160, depending on the definition). We estimate that 6% of the U.S. population and 10% of Trump voters identify as alt-right. Alt-right adherents reported a psychological profile more reflective of the desire for group-based dominance than economic anxiety. Although both the alt-right and non-alt-right Trump voters differed substantially from non-alt-right, non-Trump voters, the alt-right and Trump voters were quite similar, differing mainly in the alt-right’s especially high enthusiasm for Trump, suspicion of mainstream media, trust in alternative media, and desire for collective action on behalf of Whites. We argue for renewed consideration of overt forms of bias in contemporary intergroup research.

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