The Epigenesis of Political Communities at the International Level

1963 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitai Etzioni
2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Bohman

I argue that transnational democracy provides the basis for a solution to the problem of the “democratic circle”—that in order for democracy to promote justice, it must already be just—at the international level. Transnational democracy could be a means to global justice. First, I briefly recount my argument for the “democratic minimum.” This minimum is freedom from domination, understood in a very specific sense. Employing Hannah Arendt's conception of freedom as “the capacity to begin,” the form of nondomination sufficient for the democratic minimum is the capability to initiate deliberation and thus democratic decision-making processes. My point in developing this argument further concerns the political form of a transnational polity: its citizens enjoy the democratic minimum as members of various demoi. In the case of the European Union, this leads to a potential for democratic domination. I call this the demoi problem, a difficulty that holds for any multilevel polity, for bounded as well as transnational political communities. Second, I argue that such domination is overcome so long as the capacity to initiate deliberation is distributed among various units and various levels. The democratic minimum could fail to obtain not only because individuals or groups are dominated by nondemocratic means, but also because they are dominated democratically to the extent that the demos of one unit lacks the normative power to initiate deliberation and thus is subordinated to others.


Author(s):  
Michael Robillard

This chapter explores a dilemma arising from interveners’ competing duties to respect authorization and to enforce necessity. Even in cases where an intervener could defend an agent more effectively and less harmfully, there is still good reason (within limits) for interveners to refrain from enforcing necessity and to allow or encourage agents to fight for themselves. Borrowing from the works of Statman and Frowe, the chapter argues that “defense of one’s honor” can serve as an independent moral reason justifying one’s use of defensive force, even in cases where necessity appears not to be met. It then considers what implications such analysis holds for interventions at the international level, arguing that political communities may gain extra moral permissions when fighting on behalf of an emergent impersonal good over and above the community’s individual members. Despite this claim, it does not commit one to collectivism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Dr. Neha Sharma

Language being a potent vehicle of transmitting cultural values, norms and beliefs remains a central factor in determining the status of any nation. India is a multilingual country which tends to encourage people to use English at national and international level. Basically English in India owes its presence to the British but its subsequent rise is not fully attributable to the British. It has now become the language of wider communication which is now spoken by large number of people all over the world. It is influenced by many factors such as class, society, developments in science and technology etc. However the major influence on English language is and has been the media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 138-148
Author(s):  
Francesco Zammartino

Seventy Years after its proclamation, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, despite not having a binding force for the states, still provides at international level the fundamental text from which the principles and the values for the preservation of liberty and right of people are taken. In this article, the author particularly underlines the importance of Declaration’s article 1, which states: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”. With these words the Declaration presses states to undertake economic policies aimed at achieving economic and social progress for all individuals. Unfortunately, we also have to underline the lack of effective social policies in government programs of the E.U. Member States. The author inquires whether it is left to European judges to affirm the importance of social welfare.


Author(s):  
Marcio Luis Costa ◽  
Alex Silva Messias

Nas últimas décadas se observa o retorno da religião sob forma de fundamentalismo religioso, utilizando a mídia e instrumentos de pressão política para fazer valer suas crenças, pois diante do receio ao questionamento, os fundamentalistas veem no “outro”, no diferente, uma ameaça a ser combatida e, em alguns casos, extirpada para preservar suas convicções. O presente estudo tem por objetivo discutir as tendências sócio-políticas do fundamentalismo religioso cristão. Para tanto, com método bibliográfico narrativo, visitamos alguns autores em nível nacional e internacional, que abordam as condições que fizeram emergir o fenômeno social do fundamentalismo religioso, sua estruturação e atuação, até suas demandas sócio-políticas. Os resultados apontam que quando se identifica e transfere qualquer responsabilidade pessoal e histórica para as forças externas, o “outro”, entendido como pessoa e/ou instituição, não podemos negar que esse processo alcança dimensões de problema social. Notamos algumas tendências como mudança de movimento religioso para ideologia acirrada, da postura de fiel para militância, do “ad intra” das religiões para demandas “ad extra”, dos altares e púlpitos para ocupações políticas.Palavras-chave: Fundamentalismo Religioso; Protestante; Católico. CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM: SOCIAL-POLITICS TENDENCIESAbstractIn the last decades the return of religion in religious fundamentalism form can be observed, using media and instruments of political pressure, because when facing the fear of questioning, fundamentalists see in the “other”, in the different, a threat to be stopped and, in some cases, extirpated top preserve their convictions.  This study aims to discuss the social-politics tendencies of the Christian religious fundamentalism. For that, with the narrative bibliographic method, we visited some authors of national and international level, that approach the conditions that caused the emergence of the religious fundamentalism social phenomenon, its structure and role, until its social-politics demand. The results show that when any personal or historical responsibility is identified and transferred to external forces, the “other”, understood as person and/or institution, we cannot deny this process reaches dimensions of social problem. We notice some tendencies such as the change of the religious movement to fierce ideology, from the posture of faithful to militancy, from “ad intra” of religions to “ad extra” demands, from the altars and pulpits to political positions.Keywords: Religious Fundamentalism; Protestant; Catholic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 619-624
Author(s):  
JueJueMyint Toe ◽  
Ali Abdulbaqi Ameen ◽  
Sui Reng Liana ◽  
Amiya Bhaumik

Myanmar is the developing country and its education system is not yet to international level. Hence, most of the young adults, who like to upgrade their knowledge global wide and to gain international recognized higher educational certificates, choose to study overseas rather than continuing higher education after their high education nowadays, that becomes the trend of young people to study overseas since the competency among the people is getting intense based on the education level in every industry. The purpose of this research is to understand that students’ decision making process of selecting university. The study will be conducted to see clear trend of Myanmar students’ decision making of studying in abroad. This research will cover the context of what is Myanmar students’ perception of abroad, how they consider among other countries and explaining those factors which determine Myanmar students’ choice and how they decide to study abroad.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
Piotr Wojnicz

The increase in migration at the international level also increases the number of religiouslymixed marriages. The Catholic Church advises against entering into such marriages because thisissue refers to the laws of God and the question of preserving faith. The Catholic Church approvesof mixed marriages in terms of nationality or race because belonging to the Church is primarilydetermined by faith in Jesus Christ and baptism in the name of the Holy Trinity. Independentlyof canon law, progressive social secularization is noticeable on that subject matter.


Author(s):  
Dariya Logvinova

This article examines the impact of poly-ethnicity on political communities, by focusing on the symbolic aspect of citizenship. What are the symbolic ‘anchors’ that frame and define sentiments of belonging in a democratic polity? How do we evaluate such criteria in the light of the challenge of poly-ethnicity? Such questions are explored through a comparative conceptual assessment of the Canadian policy of multiculturalism and the Quebec’s model of interculturalism. Keywords: Сitizenship, self-identification, constitutional state, migration policy, migrant, integration, cultural diversity, minority cultures, interculturalism, multiculturalism


2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (12) ◽  
pp. 472-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid Kissling-Näf

A group of international experts evaluated whether the aims and instruments of Swiss forest policy are suitable for the promotion of sustainable forest management based on the pan-European criteria. Approach and main results are presented as well as the method developed for the definition of sustainability indicators as an instrument for the evaluation of sectoral policies and the possibility of a transfer of methods and indicators on an international level.


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