Building Trust in Public Institutions

Author(s):  
Cynthia M. Horne

This chapter examines the conditions under which lustration and truth commissions affected trust in targeted public institutions, such as the judiciary, the parliament, the police, and political parties, or composites of institutions, such as oversight institutions or elected institutions. I find strong and consistent relationships between lustration and political trust, except for the most highly politicized public institutions. More extensive and compulsory programs were associated with the largest trust-building effects. Truth commissions were not associated with political trust-building. This chapter also demonstrates that delayed reforms were more effective than reforms initiated right after the transition for most of the institutions, except for highly politicized institutions. This runs contrary to assumptions about the necessity of starting reforms immediately after the transition or not at all. The chapter presents the paired cases of Bulgaria and Romania and illustrates the possibilities for public disclosure programs to effect lustration-like reforms.

2021 ◽  
pp. 005-019

Resumen.- La COVID-19 y las clausuras prolongadas han facilitado la recuperación de audiencias de televisión de forma exponencial después de una larga época de caídas y han consolidado también tendencias informativas previas: la ciudadanía ha simultaneado medios tradicionales con la participación en redes sociales con sus teléfonos, viviendo la alarma a través de informaciones verídicas a veces y de bulos con apariencia formal en otras, en una situación que ha puesto en jaque la credibilidad de muchos medios. En medio de ese torrente de datos, la información emitida por la institucionalidad ha sido fundamental para pedir la implicación de la población. En esta misión ha habido historias de éxito y de fracasos configurados en buena forma por la naturaleza de los comunicadores principales de las instituciones públicas, los gobiernos y las entidades supranacionales. Se trata de la primera pandemia de la historia con intervención de la digitalidad global. Esta circunstancia ha ayudado a las personas a estar en contacto y hacer soportable la situación de confinamiento pero también ha abierto vías de difusión de la información que ha facilitado este material a irresponsables poniendo en peligro la vida humana y cuestionando las fuentes científicas. De esta forma, la propia OMS ha denunciado que no solo el virus sino también la desinformación ha costado vidas humanas y que las estrategias comunicativas pueden ser utilizadas para implicar a las diferentes fuerzas interactivas en una actuación conjunta rápida para atajar las pandemias y las situaciones colectivas de crisis que se generan. Este artículo contrasta los diversos tipos de liderazgos comunicativos exhibidos por diferentes dirigentes y concluye con una lista de recomendaciones directivas para construir mensajes eficaces en una pandemia que ha mostrado la trascendencia que tienen la comunicación en la constitución de los liderazgos generadores de confianza en situaciones críticas. Keywords: Palabras clave: televisión, liderazgo, COVID-19, pandemia, comunicación corporativa Abstract.- COVID-19 and the prolonged closures have facilitated the exponential recovery of television audiences after a long period of declines and have also consolidated previous information trends: citizens have combined traditional media with participation in social networks with their phones, living the alarm through true information at times and hoaxes with a formal appearance at others, in a situation that has put the credibility of many media in check. In the middle of this amount of data, the information issued by the institutions has been fundamental in calling for the involvement of the population. In this mission, there have been successful stories and failures shaped largely by the nature of the lead communicators of public institutions, governments and supranational entities. This is the first pandemic in history with global digital intervention. This circumstance has helped people to keep in contact and make the situation of confinement bearable, but it has also opened up channels for the dissemination of information that has facilitated this material to irresponsible creators and disseminators, endangering human life andquestioning scientific sources. In this way, the WHO itself has denounced that not only the virus but also disinformation has cost human lives and that communication strategies can be used to involve the different interactive forces in rapid joint action to tackle pandemics and the collective crisis situations they generate. This article contrasts the diversity of communicative leadership exhibited by different leaders and concludes with a list of directive recommendations for constructing effective messages in a pandemic that has shown the importance of communication in building trust-building leadership in critical situations. Keywords: television, leadership, COVID-19, pandemic, corporate communication


2021 ◽  
pp. 005-019

Resumen.- La COVID-19 y las clausuras prolongadas han facilitado la recuperación de audiencias de televisión de forma exponencial después de una larga época de caídas y han consolidado también tendencias informativas previas: la ciudadanía ha simultaneado medios tradicionales con la participación en redes sociales con sus teléfonos, viviendo la alarma a través de informaciones verídicas a veces y de bulos con apariencia formal en otras, en una situación que ha puesto en jaque la credibilidad de muchos medios. En medio de ese torrente de datos, la información emitida por la institucionalidad ha sido fundamental para pedir la implicación de la población. En esta misión ha habido historias de éxito y de fracasos configurados en buena forma por la naturaleza de los comunicadores principales de las instituciones públicas, los gobiernos y las entidades supranacionales. Se trata de la primera pandemia de la historia con intervención de la digitalidad global. Esta circunstancia ha ayudado a las personas a estar en contacto y hacer soportable la situación de confinamiento pero también ha abierto vías de difusión de la información que ha facilitado este material a irresponsables poniendo en peligro la vida humana y cuestionando las fuentes científicas. De esta forma, la propia OMS ha denunciado que no solo el virus sino también la desinformación ha costado vidas humanas y que las estrategias comunicativas pueden ser utilizadas para implicar a las diferentes fuerzas interactivas en una actuación conjunta rápida para atajar las pandemias y las situaciones colectivas de crisis que se generan. Este artículo contrasta los diversos tipos de liderazgos comunicativos exhibidos por diferentes dirigentes y concluye con una lista de recomendaciones directivas para construir mensajes eficaces en una pandemia que ha mostrado la trascendencia que tienen la comunicación en la constitución de los liderazgos generadores de confianza en situaciones críticas. Keywords: Palabras clave: televisión, liderazgo, COVID-19, pandemia, comunicación corporativa Abstract.- COVID-19 and the prolonged closures have facilitated the exponential recovery of television audiences after a long period of declines and have also consolidated previous information trends: citizens have combined traditional media with participation in social networks with their phones, living the alarm through true information at times and hoaxes with a formal appearance at others, in a situation that has put the credibility of many media in check. In the middle of this amount of data, the information issued by the institutions has been fundamental in calling for the involvement of the population. In this mission, there have been successful stories and failures shaped largely by the nature of the lead communicators of public institutions, governments and supranational entities. This is the first pandemic in history with global digital intervention. This circumstance has helped people to keep in contact and make the situation of confinement bearable, but it has also opened up channels for the dissemination of information that has facilitated this material to irresponsible creators and disseminators, endangering human life and questioning scientific sources. In this way, the WHO itself has denounced that not only the virus but also disinformation has cost human lives and that communication strategies can be used to involve the different interactive forces in rapid joint action to tackle pandemics and the collective crisis situations they generate. This article contrasts the diversity of communicative leadership exhibited by different leaders and concludes with a list of directive recommendations for constructing effective messages in a pandemic that has shown the importance of communication in building trust-building leadership in critical situations. Keywords: television, leadership, COVID-19, pandemic, corporate communication


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


Author(s):  
Cynthia M. Horne

Chapter 2 explores each of the country cases in this project, namely the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia, Ukraine, and Albania. The chapter provides historical details of the transitional justice reforms in all twelve countries from 1989–2013, covering lustration, file access, public disclosures, and truth commissions. This material is then used to place each country case within the typology developed in Chapter 1, according to whether the measures were expansive and included compulsory employment change, limited and included largely voluntary employment change, informal and largely symbolic, or actively rejected. The chapter provides variable conceptualization and operationalization specifics to be used in the subsequent statistical analyses, including three different lustration variables, a truth commission variable, and timing of reform variables. It provides qualitative, comparative historical details to justify the classification of countries according to the primary independent variable, namely lustration and public disclosure programs.


Author(s):  
Cynthia M. Horne

Chapter 1 provides a literature review upon which to build the theoretical scaffolding of this book and explicates the development of the lustration typology. The chapter reviews the trust literature, highlighting differences in the origins and effects of trust in public institutions, trust in government, interpersonal trust, and trust in social institutions. Chapter 1 also reviews the literature on lustration and transitional justice, highlighting the design and use of measures in the post-communist region. From this literature, Chapter 1 develops a transitional justice typology consisting of four different categories of lustration and public disclosure programs based on the scope and implementation of programs and the degree of bureaucratic and symbolic change characteristic of the different programs. This typology is then used to categorize post-communist countries in Chapter 2.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Pavol Baboš

Abstract Trust in political institutions is an important issue in contemporary democracies, as it contributes to democratic regimes’ legitimacy and sustainability. This paper investigates what effects corruption, political allegiance, and the post-communist history of a country have on political trust. Political trust is measured as trust towards parliament, political parties, and politicians. Both individual-and country-level factors are included in the analytical model in order to account for the personal and contextual characteristics that might shape political trust. This research employs the multilevel modelling for empirical analysis. The results show that the winner effect and corruption perception impact are relatively strongly affecting political trust. Surprisingly, the post-communist history of a country seems to play no significant role in driving political trust. The concluding part links the findings of this study back to the theory and draws several implications not only for the future research but also the real world of policies and politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehri Mohebbi (Mehrsa) ◽  
Annulla Linders ◽  
Carla Chifos

Scholars have identified a range of factors that influence the ability of researchers to access hard-toreach groups and the willingness of their members to participate in research. In this paper, we draw on insights from both ethnographic methods and participatory action research to demonstrate the importance of building trust in our relationships with hard-to-reach participants in research based on interviews. Such trust-building, we show, is greatly facilitated by pre-recruitment immersion that aids not only the recruitment of individual participants but also improves the quality of the data collected. These methodological concerns emerged from an interview study focusing on Muslim women’s use of urban public recreational spaces in South-East Michigan. Although the first author of this paper, as a woman and a Muslim, is a formal insider in the study population, her experiences with recruitment demonstrate that the access granted by insider status is insufficient as grounds for a research relationship based on trust. This is so especially when the target population is as marginalized and embattled as the post 9/11 immigrant Muslim community. With more than two years of community immersion, however, she was able to foster enough trust to secure a large number of committed participants that spoke freely and thoughtfully about the issues at stake (78 in all).


Author(s):  
Astrid Jamar ◽  
Gerard Birantamije

Military politics have been entangled with the trajectory of Burundian public institutions, experiences of violence, and the army formation. From 1994 to 2009, the peace process brought together different political parties, security forces, and rebel groups to negotiate ceasefires and major institutional reforms. Adopted in 2000, the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement contained some of the most ambitious and sophisticated security reforms. While most literature emphasizes mostly on the Arusha Peace Agreement, 22 agreements were signed by different sets of parties, including political parties and rebel groups during these 15 years of peace meditation. The Arusha Peace Agreement provides for complex security arrangements: (a) a strictly defined role, structure, and mandate of the army and other security forces; (b) sophisticated power-sharing arrangements for both leadership and composition of the army and other security forces; (c) demobilization, disarmament, integration, and training of armed forces; (d) transformation of armed groups into political parties; and (e) ceasefires. The peace talks integrated various armed political groups into Burundian institutions. Responding to four decades of violence and military dictatorship, these reforms of the military and other security forces aimed to disentangle the military from politics. Initially contested, the agreements shaped the reading of the historical contexts that justified these institutional military reforms. Indeed, provisions of these agreements also framed a narrative about violence and imposed fixed interpretations of political mobilization of violence. These imposed interpretations neglected key elements that enabled and, continue to enable, the political use of violence as well as the emergence of new forms of military politics. The main institutional approaches adopted to tackle issue of inclusion and correct imbalances in armed forces was the introduction of power-sharing arrangements based on ethnic dimensions. The formulation and further implementation of ethnic quotas reinforced the binary elements of ethnic identities, rather than promote a more fluid understanding that would appreciate intersecting elements, such as gender, political affiliation, and class and regional dimensions in the undertaking of power, alliance, and relations between executive and military institutions. Security reforms continue to affect the functioning of public institutions, with limited effects for disentangling politics and military.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Eka Adhi Wibowo

This study aims to explore the relationship between the accountability of political parties and the electability of political parties. Political parties are public institutions that should accountable for public funds they use in order to be a means of aspiration for society in politics and government. The accountability variables used in this study are political party compliance with regulation of election campaign fund reporting and the amount of campaign fund, while electability is measured by vote acquisition during the election. The exploration of the relationship will provide an overview of party accountability and public understanding of accountability that is a requirement for the realization of good governance.Keywords: accountability, electability, political parties, compliance audits, campaign funds ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan eksplorasi mengenai hubungan antara akuntabilitas partai politik dengan elektabilitas partai politik. Partai politik adalah lembaga publik yang seharusnya memberikan pertanggungjawaban atas dana publik yang mereka gunakan dalam rangka menjadi sarana aspirasi bagi masyarakat dalam hal politik dan pemerintahan. Variabel akuntabilitas yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kepatuhan partai politik atas regulasi pelaporan dana kampanye pemilu dan besaran dana kampanye, sedangkan elektabilitas diukur dengan perolehan suara selama pemilu. Eksplorasi hubungan tersebut akan memberikan gambaran mengenai akuntabilitas partai dan pemahaman masyarakat mengenai akuntabilitas yang merupakan syarat perwujudan good governance.Kata kunci: akuntabilitas, elektabilitas, partai politik, audit kepatuhan, dana kampanye


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank L.K. Ohemeng ◽  
Theresa Obuobisa Darko ◽  
Emelia Amoako-Asiedu

Purpose An engaged workforce has never been more important than it is now. Research continues to reveal a strong link between engaged employees and employee performance. Consequently, different strategies continue to be developed to enhance employee engagement (EE) in organisations. Unfortunately, many of these strategies have not worked due to the lack of trust that some employees may have towards organisational leaders. Thus, it is argued that the first step in building an effective EE is building trust, which will erode all sorts of suspicion of the intention of leaders in the organisation. Unfortunately, the literature is not clear about how to build such trust, especially in developing countries where the organisational environment is much different from that in developed ones; making the applicability of models in the developed world quite difficulty in these countries. How can public sector leaders build trust in the organisations in an environment where informality appears to be the norm? The purpose of this paper is therefore to ascertain how trust can be built in public organisations. Design/methodology/approach In order to answer the research questions, as well as obtain in-depth understanding of what is being done, the authors used the mixed methods approach in the data collection for the paper. In using mixed method data collection, the authors took both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Both qualitative and quantitative data were, however, collected concurrently. This was done for the sake of convenience, as there is little study on how to build trust or, even, EE in the Ghanaian context. The authors set out to explore these issues, and the only way for the authors to do so was to undertake the data collection simultaneously. Findings The paper examined critically four main areas to help leadership build trust: credibility, fairness, respect and communication. The study shows that both managers and employees firmly believe in building trust. Leaders were able to discuss the efforts they make to ensure that issues concerning trust building are addressed. At the same time, employees also agreed on the need to strengthen these variables. Practical implications The research identifies areas on which both leadership and employees can continually work to help bridge the gap between them if public organisations are to reap the benefits of EE. The authors are convinced that if the issues discussed here are addressed, and parties work on them, individuals will succeed in their own areas, but so will the organisations, which in turn will help in the development of he country. Originality/value From a theoretical perspective, it extends the work on EE, and offers new insight into this emerging concept from a developing countries perspective, where informality in the public sector is common. Most of the research on trust and EE has been either qualitative or quantitative in nature. Using the mixed methods approach means the authors will be explaining how both can help us better understand the “how” in building trust in the public sector. Thus, the paper is one of the few papers that have used the mixed methods approach to examine how trust can be built in public organisations.


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