Whether or Not to Disinvest: The Case of Gujarat State Fertilizers & Chemicals Limited

2007 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
pp. 347-366
Author(s):  
Ravindra H. Dholakia ◽  
Shailesh Gandhi
Keyword(s):  
Financial Performance ◽  
State Government ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Expert Committee ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Gujarat State ◽  
Agricultural Growth ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

India became independent in 1947. Its central planning model emphasized the development of core sectors of Indian economy through Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs). PSUs played an active role in economic development for more than four decades. The process of liberalization and globalization began in 1991. The Central and State Governments initiated process of disinvestment and decontrol in various PSUs. Gujarat State Fertilizers & Chemicals Limited (GSFC) was one of such PSUs. It was promoted in 1962 by the State Government of Gujarat (GoG) with its 49% equity share, as a joint sector fertilizer company. The objective of the Government was to promote agricultural growth by providing chemical fertilizers and other inputs along with extension services to the farmers. Over the years, it diversified into industrial products. It was also instrumental in promotion of other PSUs in Gujarat through equity participation. It had a strong brand image among the farmers. In 2004, GoG appointed an Expert Committee (EC) to review the performance and sustainability of various PSUs in the State of Gujarat including GSFC and to recommend whether or not the Government should continue to hold its investment in them. The task of EC in providing recommendations on GSFC was very challenging because GSFC incurred losses for the first time during 2000–1 to 2002–3 since its inception but showed dramatic turnaround in 2003–4 and further improved its financial performance in 2004–5 and 2005–6. EC had to reassess the developmental role of GSFC and the need for GoG to continue its involvement. It had to assess the sustainability of improved financial performance in future and decide whether or not GoG should disinvest its stake.

Public trust in state governments in India: Who are more confident and what makes them confident about the government?

2020 ◽  
pp. 205789111989876
Author(s):  
Deepak Kumar ◽  
Bhanu Pratap ◽  
Archana Aggarwal
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Status ◽  
State Government ◽  
Low Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Social Benefit ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
The Government

Public trust in government is crucial for good governance, encompassing economic and social development of the region in a representative democratic setup. This study uses India Human Development Survey (2004–2005 and 2011–2012) data to examine the changing pattern of household confidence in state governments in India. Using a logit model analysis, we examine how the level of household confidence in the state government changes with households’ socioeconomic status, personal experiences, and benefits received from government programs and direct social benefit schemes. We find that households with a low socioeconomic status (such as Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes, and low-income and less educated households) are more likely to trust the state government. In addition, households that have had a positive experience or have received benefits from a government program and/or social scheme are more likely to exhibit high levels of trust in the state government. We also find that residents of less developed states are more likely to have high levels of trust in their state government than residents of highly developed states.

Factor Influencing the Intention to Use E-Collection System in State-Owned Tertiary Institutions in Nigeria

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sulaiman Haruna ◽  
Normalini Md Kassim
Keyword(s):  
Technology Acceptance ◽  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Collection System ◽  
Tertiary Institutions ◽  
Revenue Collection ◽  
Computer Based ◽  
The Government ◽  
Acceptance Model

The absence of effective and adequate means of revenue generation as well as collection in Nigeria has necessitated the federal government to introduce and adopt Treasury Single Account (TSA) through the full implementation of e-payment and e-collection system. This has also obliged the state governments across the country to adopt the TSA system. The e-collection system is a computer-based revenue collection system designed to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of revenue collection through electronic means in order to prevent fund shortages and cash leaks within the government sectors. In this chapter, technology acceptance model (TAM), computer self-efficacy, and subjective norm were adopted to examine the level of preparedness of accounting staff of state-owned tertiary institutions with respect to their intentions to use the e-collection system. It is expected that the findings of this study would be used by policymakers at the state government level to further support the efforts towards effective implementation of TSA in Nigerian tertiary institutions.

scholarly journals CREATION OF PARALLEL BODIES DISEMPOWERING THE EFFECTIVE FUNCTIONING OF PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS IN INDIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Thirupathi ◽  
Sultana Aijaz ◽  
K. Bhaskar
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Indian Government ◽  
Accountability Measures ◽  
Parallel Structures ◽  
The Government ◽  
Panchayati Raj

By bridging the gap between PRIs and parallel bodies across the country, this study will examine how the process of decentralisation is being actively considered by the Indian government as well as state governments. The multiple parallel bodies established by governments have resulted in the emergence of numerous parallel structures, undermining the panchayats. The proliferation of organisations has confused, as well as conflict and disempowerment of the Panchayats. The interface has become a key component of many state governments' agendas to assist make the multiple parallel entities more effective, sustainable, and PRIs-friendly. Accept that interlinkages will play a limited role and influence in the process of decentralisation and good governance unless the government takes decisive steps to devolve functions, funding, and officials to the PRIs, enabling decentralised planning and convergence. The higher authority would then have to disempower themselves to empower the PRIs. Devolution of power and authority from the State Government to the three-tiered PRIs could provide space and opportunity for more rigorous accountability measures. My article reflects on how many states are implementing programmes primarily through state bureaucracies, resulting in parallel structures, which is contrary to the spirit of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1992. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0875/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Chaitanya Lakkimsetti
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
State Government ◽  
South India ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Gender Identities ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City

“We want employment, we want jobs, we want welfare.” This was a main slogan at a daylong dharna (protest) organized by a South India–based transgender and hijra group one humid summer afternoon in the city of Hyderabad in July 2015. The main goal of the dharna was to demand that the state government recognize transgender rights as recommended by India’s Supreme Court (SC). In 2014, for the first time in India’s history as an independent nation, the SC had recognized nonnormative gender identities as legal. It had also recommended that the government implement corresponding affirmative action policies in employment and education. There was a significant media presence and great interest in the dharna, whose organizers had mobilized a surprisingly large number of progressive groups to support their cause. It had been previously unthinkable that one of the most marginalized and stigmatized groups in the country could make demands of the state. When the day was over, the gathering had been a huge success that increased the visibility of the community while also showcasing its newfound political power....

Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
New Era ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
First Time ◽  
Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals Rechtsvacuum Phenomenon in Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 51 of 2020 related to Passport Renewal Period to 10 Years

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
Fachrizza Sidi Pratama
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Government Regulations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Renewal Period ◽  
Law Regulation ◽  
Laws And Regulations

Legislation is one of the legal products issued by the state government component. In this case, the laws and regulations include the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia year 1945, the Decree of the People's Consultative Assembly, The Law / Regulation of the Government In lieu of Laws, Government Regulations, Presidential Regulations, and Local Regulations. As for its application, the rules have levels in the arrangement, where there are sections that explain macro and its derivatives that are narrowing down to the implementing regulations. The levels of the rules must be complete because each of them has its own function.  Meanwhile, in this journal, there will be a discussion on the phenomenon of legal vacancies in the case study of Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 51 of 2020 related to the Period of Extending Passports to 10 Years, where in the issuance of government regulations have not been included implementing regulations that will regulate how the implementation of government regulations in the field.  

scholarly journals State Use Provisions for Patent Law, and Expropriations: Some Comparative Law Guidelines for South Africa during the Covid-19 Crisis and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-35
Author(s):  
Mikhalien Du Bois
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
State Government ◽  
Patent Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Patent Owner ◽  
Canadian Law ◽  
Patent Rights ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Suitable Framework

This article views section 4 of the Patents Act 57 of 1978 against section 25 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 and Article 31 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights of 1994 (hereafter TRIPS). The purpose is to find a suitable framework for the state/government use/utilisation of patented products or processes for public purposes. A comparison is done with the Crown use provisions in United Kingdom, Australian and Canadian law to find a suitable approach to questions relating to remuneration for state use, the prior negotiations requirement set by Article 31 of TRIPS, and the public purposes and exclusive patent rights that would be included under state use. The COVID-19 international pandemic has caused a state of national disaster in South Africa, which is exactly the kind of situation of extreme urgency envisioned by the exception in Article 31 of TRIPS, which permits the state use of patents without requiring prior negotiations with the patent owner. In the battle against COVID-19 and its concomitant fallout, the South African government (and authorised private parties) would be permitted to utilise patent rights without explicit authorisation from the patent owner and without prior negotiations, but subject to the payment of reasonable remuneration by the government and other terms and conditions as agreed upon or as determined by a court. This may include making (manufacturing), using, exercising, and importing patented products (for example, personal protective equipment, pharmaceuticals, ventilators and diagnostic tests) deemed necessary in the fight against COVID-19. Foreign jurisdictions considered in this article indicate that section 4 of the Patents Act 57 of 1978 may certainly benefit from an update to provide detailed guidance on the state use of patented products or processes for public purposes. In the interest of a timeous offensive against the COVID-19 virus, the patent provisions need a speedy update to allow state use compliant with TRIPS and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996.

scholarly journals Dominasi dan ketidakadilan negara dan korporasi dalam kasus bencana lumpur Lapindo

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Oman Sukmana
Keyword(s):  
Resource Management ◽  
State Government ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The State ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
Disaster Victims ◽  
The People ◽  
Data Collection Process ◽  
The Government

The domination of the state (government) and Corporate (PT LBI) in the oil and gas resource management lead Lapindo mudflow disaster that caused misery to the people. This study aims to assess the forms of domination and injustice by the state (government) and the corporation in the case of Lapindo mudflow disaster, and how Lapindo mudflow disaster victims negotiate (resist) against the state (government) and corporations in an effort to fight for their rights. This study used a qualitative approach with case study. Subjects and informantsresearch include: (1) Lapindo mudflow disaster victims; (2) group coordinator of Lapindo mudflow disaster victims; (3) Public figures Siring village, Tanggulangin, Renokenongo, Jabon, and Jatirejo, Porong district, Sidoarjo; (4) Representation of the corporation (PT. LBI); and (5) Representation of BPLS. The data collection process using the in-deepth interviews, observation, focus group discussions, and review documents. Stage processing and data analysis includes the coding process, memoing, and concept mapping. The results showed that the government (the state) and the corporation (PT LBI) action dominating the oil and gas resource management in the area of Porong district, Sidoarjo regency, East Java, resulting misery for the victims (people). Forms of injustice felt by residents Lapindo mudflow disaster victims not only related to the issue of compensation for land and building assets alone, but more than that, including various dimensions. Through a variety of collective action, such as demonstrations and negotiations, Lapindo mudflow disaster victims filed various charges, such as demands for payment of compensation for land and building assets destroyed.

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