scholarly journals Hegemonic Struggles of the African National Congress: From Cacophony of Morbid Symptoms to Strained Renewal

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Booysen

The contemporary condition of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, viewed through the lens of hegemony and by means of four sets of correlates of decline and potential renewal, reveals an organisation that has turned away from lethal decline, yet by 2018 was battling to reconstitute a powerful, united historical bloc to underpin a new hegemony. The assessment is executed across the outward fronts of the ANC in relation to the people, the state, and elections, and on the inward side, the ANC organisationally. The ANC, up to late 2017, had undergone a process of hegemonic decline that appeared irreversible. Manifold morbid symptoms of hegemonic decline were evident. In late 2017 the ANC secured a leadership change that held the potential to reverse the decline and reinvigorate the ANC's prospects for hegemonic hold, even if at best it would be a long-term, incremental process. Yet, at the centre, the organisation remained riven with factionalism that pivoted around power and control over public resources; those entrenched in the status quo ante were fighting back, and the new order was struggling to emerge. By drawing together these symptoms (correlates) of decline and possible reversals, the article synthesises the state of ANC hegemony as the movement approaches 25 years in political power.

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (3) ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Pascal Schneider ◽  
Jean-Pierre Sorg

In and around the state-owned forest of Farako in the region of Sikasso, Mali, a large-scale study focused on finding a compromise allowing the existential and legitimate needs of the population to be met and at the same time conserving the forest resources in the long term. The first step in research was to sketch out the rural socio-economic context and determine the needs for natural resources for autoconsumption and commercial use as well as the demand for non-material forest services. Simultaneously, the environmental context of the forest and the resources available were evaluated by means of inventories with regard to quality and quantity. According to an in-depth comparison between demand and potential, there is a differentiated view of the suitability of the forest to meet the needs of the people living nearby. Propositions for a multipurpose management of the forest were drawn up. This contribution deals with some basic elements of research methodology as well as with results of the study.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. C. Coleman

The intention of this paper is to look at some of the problems which arise in attempts to provide ‘explanations’ of mercantilism and especially its English manifestations. By ‘explanations’ I mean the efforts which some writers have made causally to relate the historical appearance of sets of economic notions or general recommendations on economic policy or even acts of economic policy by the state to particular long-term phenomena of, or trends in, economic history. Historians of economic thought have not generally made such attempts. With a few exceptions they have normally concerned themselves with tracing and analysing the contributions to economic theory made by those labelled as mercantilists. The most extreme case of non-explanation is provided by Eli Heckscher's reiterated contention in his two massive volumes that mercantilism was not to be explained by reference to the economic circumstances of the time; mercantilist policy was not to be seen as ‘the outcome of the economic situation’; mercantilist writers did not construct their system ‘out of any knowledge of reality however derived’. So strongly held an antideterminist fortress, however congenial a haven for some historians of ideas, has given no comfort to other historians – economic or political, Marxist or non-Marxist – who obstinately exhibit empiricist tendencies. Some forays against the fortress have been made. Barry Supple's analysis of English commerce in the early seventeenth century and the resulting presentation of mercantilist thought and policy as ‘the economics of depression’ has passed into the textbooks and achieved the status of an orthodoxy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-55
Author(s):  
Saiyid Radzuwan Syed Sopi

The 14th general election (GE 14) reveals that Pakatan Harapan (PH) had become a ruling party (2018-2020), but they failed to get any parliamentary or state assembly seats in Kelantan. The failure of PH to expand their influence in Kelantan is due to several traditional factors that are difficult for PH to break it out. This study is a qualitative study and reference materials that are physical and online are used as reference sources. In addition, information regarding political scenario in Kelantan also obtained through interviews with some respondents live in Kelantan. Therefore, this research found that the desire of PH to expand their influence in Kelantan was blurred. This is because PAS wisely set up a long-term political strategy by strengthening the education system under YIK, producing many hardcore supporters or fanatic followers, controlling the ‘surau’ and the mosques according to their needs and control of the state administration. Furthermore, PH needs to make concrete reformations to the party’s management such as producing talented young leaders and fostering a spirit of cooperation among members of the PH coalition if they are still interested in power in Kelantan.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Lavrova ◽  

The author covers the question of the stability of competitive authoritarianism in Malaysia. In this case, such a regime is particularly stable, possibly due to the developed and institutionalized model of interaction between the dominant party and ethnic groups, implemented in the conditions of the polyethnic composition of the state. It was crucial to take into account the historical context of the British colonization of Malaysia, which had led to the influx of migrants, and the presence of a political party in power for 61 years, which was practically merged with the state apparatus and fully represented only one ethnic group. "Ethnic outbidding" implemented by the dominant party UMNO provided a numerically greater population with benefits in exchange for support of the ruling party. Simultaneously, the incorporation of ethnic groups into the state's political structure and the use of the power-sharing model allowed UMNO to act as an umbrella party and to maintain the status quo. The unspoken Treaty, first, was based on granting the privilege to the indigenous Malay population, and, second, protected the interests of non-Malays. Thus, granting bumiputera and non-Malays certain privileges, the establishment was able to consolidate a non-democratic regime and control over complex Malaysian society.


Author(s):  
Connie Zheng

This chapter reviews the legacy of several ancient Chinese sages (i.e. Guanzi, Hanfeizi, Shangyang, Xunzi, and Yanzi) and explores their thinking of ruling the state and managing the people. The thoughts of the old are compared with those known in the mainstream Western management texts. Striking similarities in thoughts and key organization and management issues of old and new are identified. For contemporary organizations to be successful, essential people-management principles must be espoused to sustain organizations for a long term as to preserve ancient states. Nonetheless, the world is in ceaseless change, dynasties and nations rise and fall as organizations acquire, merge, die, or emerge as new. Despite perpetual principles, management techniques require constant adaptation to meet modern challenges.


Author(s):  
Colin Bundy

The African National Congress (ANC) operated in exile for just over three decades, from 1960 to mid-1990. It developed from a flimsy and inexperienced “external mission” to an exiled organization caring for thousands of full-time members and maintaining an army, Umkontho weSizwe (MK), which by the 1980s numbered about 5000 soldiers. Based predominantly in Tanzania, Zambia, and Angola (though with members and offices in many other countries), the exiled movement established schools, hospitals, farms, and factories; it published and broadcast energetically; it lobbied for international support and established a diplomatic presence in dozens of countries. By the late 1980s, it was clear to the apartheid regime that it could not defeat or ignore the ANC but must enter negotiations with the organization. Equally, it was clear to the exiled leadership of the ANC that armed struggle relying on Soviet bloc funding was no longer feasible. Negotiations, and not military victory or seizure of power, was the only available option. The ANC was pushed to the brink of survival but recovered, cohered, and regrouped, especially after 1976 when its membership and influence increased substantially. By 1990, through a combination of popular support inside South Africa and international solidarity, the ANC was swept to the status of government-in-waiting. Yet the exile experience was by no means an uninterrupted success story. The organization was variously beset by factionalism, rank-and-file disquiet, security failings, and an armed wing that saw little armed action. The ANC’s exile experience has generated controversy: over its relations with the South African Communist Party in exile; its human rights record, especially in the MK camps; and a political culture shaped by secrecy, militarism, and hierarchy. The “reinvention” of the organization in exile was a striking achievement—and it came at a cost.


2019 ◽  
Vol 214 ◽  
pp. 08022
Author(s):  
Artem Amirkhanov ◽  
Sergio Ballestrero ◽  
Franco Brasolin ◽  
Haydn du Plessis ◽  
Christopher Jon Lee ◽  
...  

The online farm of the ATLAS experiment at the LHC, consisting of nearly 4000 PCs with various characteristics, provides configuration and control of the detector and performs the collection, processing, selection, and conveyance of event data from the front-end electronics to mass storage. Different aspects of the farm management are already accessible via several tools. The status and health of each node are monitored by a system based on Icinga 2 and Ganglia. PuppetDB gathers centrally all the status information from Puppet, the configuration management tool used to ensure configuration consistency of every node. The in-house Configuration Database (ConfDB) controls DHCP and PXE, while also integrating external information sources. In these proceedings we present our roadmap for integrating these and other data sources and systems, and building a higher level of abstraction on top of this foundation. An automation and orchestration tool will be able to use these systems and replace lengthy manual procedures, some of which also require interactions with other systems and teams, e.g. for the repair of a faulty node. Finally, an inventory and tracking system will complement the available data sources, keep track of node history, and improve the evaluation of long-term lifecycle management and purchase strategies.


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