Delegated Censorship: The Dynamic, Layered, and Multistage Information Control Regime in China

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232922110131
Author(s):  
Taiyi Sun ◽  
Quansheng Zhao
Keyword(s):  
Power Control ◽  
Significant Variation ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Information Control ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
Internet Censorship ◽  
Control Regime ◽  
Internet Companies

How does internet censorship work in China, and how does it reflect the Chinese state’s logic of governing society? An online political publication, Global China (海外看世界), was created by the authors, and the pattern and record of articles being censored was analyzed. Using results from A/B tests on the articles and interviews with relevant officials, the article shows that the state employs delegated censorship, outsourcing significant responsibility to private internet companies and applying levels of scrutiny based on timing, targets, and stage of publication. The dynamic, layered, multistage censorship regime creates significant variation and flexibility across the Chinese internet, most often in decisions about what to censor. This approach aims to maintain regime stability and legitimacy while minimizing costs. Rather than blocking all information and players, the state recognizes its technical and bureaucratic limits but also realizes the benefits of a degree of toleration. Delegated censorship utilizes both power control and power sharing and offers a new understanding of authoritarian state-society relations.

The Development of Slovenia in the European Union: Social Aspects

2017 ◽  
pp. 102-108
Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrska
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

The author proves that the successful stability of independent Slovenia contributed to a number of factors, existing since its being incorporated in the SFRY. The factor, uniting the state has become the common goal – the aspiration to join the EU. The process of the European integration contributed to the modernization of a number of spheres, in particular social, cultural and economic ones. The global financial and economic crisis has revealed the turmoil in the economy of the state and its leadership was forced to gradually reduce a significant part of social privileges for the population. This caused the tension in the society and reduced the level of the national unity, having a negative impact on people’s wellbeing. However, since 2014, the Prime Minister M. Cherar has been trying to restore people’s trust in the state. The situation is getting better; indicators of trust in government are increasing, which also points to state capacity and political regime stability in Slovenia. Keywords: Slovenia, state stability, social sphere, government

scholarly journals STATE SYMBOL OF RUSSIA AND ALBANIA: COMPARATIVE ASPECT

2019 ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Y. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Comparative Aspect ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Church ◽  
Comparative Description

The purpose of this research is a comparative description of the visual features of the national flags of Russia and Albania as symbols of diffusion of macroidentity, which is expressed in the contradictory vectors of their foreign policy and focus on both European and Asian macroidentity. Based on color semantics, the article analyzes the state flags of Russia and Albania, which, as in state symbols, reveal the features of the geopolitical positioning of states. The connection between the axial symbol of identity – the double-headed eagle – and the bifurcation (diffuseness) of political macroidentity is shown. The features common to the two states are shown: a tendency toward geopolitical isolationism, authoritarian state power, the dependence of the institution of the church on the state and statist atheism, the prevalence of corrupt practices, the emphasis on forced modernization and extraordinary technologies for overcoming situations of foreign political challenges. It is stated that in both countries there is a corruption of power, a sign of which is a fierce struggle for power during most of Byzantine history. It was determined that this struggle was not waged by political methods, but by force – a military coup, uprising or assassination of the current head of state. In the geopolitical position of Albania, this was due to Skannerberg’s attempt to combine two in one: Islamic and Orthodox identities, as well as situational adaptation of the country’s political elite to the next occupier: from 1443, i.e. the years of struggle against Turkish rule and until 1944 the coat of arms acquired alternately Turkish, Austrian, Greek, Italian and Soviet-Russian details. The coat of arms of the Russian Federation also contains Byzantine elements, which indicates a spiritual succession with the Byzantine Empire, however, with less borrowing.

scholarly journals Inequalities and Indirect Con?ict Interventions: The Evidence on Perceptions of Difference, Social Cohesion, and Sub-national Variations in Violence in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 95-147
Author(s):  
Rachael Diprose
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Group ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Negative Stereotypes ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Central Sulawesi ◽  
Horizontal Inequalities

This paper examines the empirical evidence on social cohesion and perceived horizontal inequalities in two neighbouring districts in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. Despite having similar sized groups (religiously polarised, ethnically fragmented) and the opportunity to mobilise during the national political transition beginning in 1998, only one of the districts had serious violence. First, the evidence suggests that such violence was linked to perceived horizontal inequalities in terms of access to the state, particularly in terms of religious identity in the district affected by con?ict. In the same district, there was also evidence of weaker social cohesion: there were more pervasive negative stereotypes of other groups along religious lines, and the least inter-religious mixing in terms of everyday interaction and friendships. These attitudes and less frequent mixing were more likely, too, among the group that was initially marginalised from the state when power-sharing arrangements broke down. Meanwhile, in the district with less violence, there was more frequent inter-religious group mixing overall but particularly on the part of the group that did not dominate the state. That is, frequent inter-religious group mixing and the absence of negative attitudes on the part of this group towards others may have signalled that it was not a viable group to be mobilised for political gain. Instead, in this more peaceful district, ethnic identity was the more salient form of political capital, but demographically the district is ethnically fragmented. Inter-ethnic rather than religious mixing was less frequent in this district, but it was worst among the dominant political group along religious and ethnic lines. Yet, the negative attitudes and stronger in-group (rather than out-group) bonds between members of the dominant political group did not translate into violent con?ict because there were minimal challenges to their power during the transition. Finally, the evidence suggests that the associational membership of mixedethnic or religious organisations is less likely to explain violence prevention, given that membership of such organisations was greater in the con?ict-affected district. The evidence overall suggests that demographic divides are not always an indicator of political divides and the propensity for con?ict, but rather this is related to the politics of exclusion. Furthermore, it indicates that to some extent increased crossgroup contact can act as an indirect con?ict intervention mechanism.

scholarly journals The Problem of State Violence

Daedalus ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 151 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-37
Author(s):  
Paul Butler
Keyword(s):  
Use Of Force ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Abuse And Neglect ◽  
The Future ◽  
State Actors

Abstract When violence occurs, the state has an obligation to respond to and reduce the impacts of it; yet often the state originates, or at least contributes to, the violence. This may occur in a variety of ways, including through the use of force by police, pretrial incarceration at local jails, long periods of incarceration in prisons, or abuse and neglect of people who are incarcerated. This essay explores the role of the state in responding to violence and how it should contribute to reducing violence in communities, as well as in its own operations. Finally, it explores what the future of collaboration between state actors and the community looks like and offers examples of successful power-sharing and co-producing of safety between the state and the public.

What Can Comparative Authoritarianism Tell Us About China Under Xi Jinping (and Vice Versa)?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
HANS H. TUNG ◽  
WEN-CHIN WU
Keyword(s):  
Current Literature ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
Conceptual Innovation ◽  
Authoritarian Politics ◽  
Autocratic Politics

This paper evaluates the progress and impact of the literature on comparative authoritarianism, showing not only how its development over the previous two decades can help us understand China’s authoritarian politics better, but also how the latter can move the former forward. We focus on two important topic areas in the literature: authoritarian power-sharing and autocratic politics of information (e.g., partial media freedom and government censorship). For the first topic, we shall review the literature on the authoritarian power-sharing between dictators and their allies and explicate how this conceptual innovation helps us understand the institutional foundation of China’s regime stability and phenomenal economic performance before Xi Jinping. The analysis then provides us a baseline for assessing China’s economic and political future under Xi Jinping given his clear departure from the pre-existing power-sharing framework. Finally, this paper also assesses the relevance of the literature on authoritarian politics of information to the Chinese context. In sum, we not only emphasize the conceptual contributions of the literature of comparative authoritarianism to the field of Chinese politics, but also identify lacunae in the current literature and avenues for future research that post-Xi political developments have made visible to us.

INTERACTION OF DOMINANT PARTY WITH ETHNIC GROUPS IN COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM IN MALAYSIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Tatiana Lavrova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Competitive Authoritarianism ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Stability ◽  
And Control

The author covers the question of the stability of competitive authoritarianism in Malaysia. In this case, such a regime is particularly stable, possibly due to the developed and institutionalized model of interaction between the dominant party and ethnic groups, implemented in the conditions of the polyethnic composition of the state. It was crucial to take into account the historical context of the British colonization of Malaysia, which had led to the influx of migrants, and the presence of a political party in power for 61 years, which was practically merged with the state apparatus and fully represented only one ethnic group. "Ethnic outbidding" implemented by the dominant party UMNO provided a numerically greater population with benefits in exchange for support of the ruling party. Simultaneously, the incorporation of ethnic groups into the state's political structure and the use of the power-sharing model allowed UMNO to act as an umbrella party and to maintain the status quo. The unspoken Treaty, first, was based on granting the privilege to the indigenous Malay population, and, second, protected the interests of non-Malays. Thus, granting bumiputera and non-Malays certain privileges, the establishment was able to consolidate a non-democratic regime and control over complex Malaysian society.

Social Partnership

2019 ◽  
pp. 51-76
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Financial Instability ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Social Partnership ◽  
State Time ◽  
Social Dialogue ◽  
Social Partnerships ◽  
Political Governance ◽  
Multiple Actors

Social partnership is a dynamic construction tailored to the context of globalization, the state, time, society, and culture. Snapshots of the experiences of regions and countries globally with modalities of social partnership arrangements are discussed. Further, global reflections on the contexts from which social partnerships were forged—economic chaos and recovery, weak political governance capacities, fractured political regimes, financial instability and governance responses, such as the institutionalization of social dialogue and social partnerships as prerequisites for European accession—are highlighted. Social partnership becomes the outcome of adjustments made by governments, sometimes reluctantly, in power-sharing arrangements, incorporating multiple actors and stakeholders in the way societies are reorganized, to respond and treat with destabilizing forces in the struggle for self-preservation. The chapter concludes around the value and benefits of social partnership as well as some recommendations for effective social dialogue arrangements.

Preservative or Transformative? Theorizing the U.K. Constitution Using Comparative Method

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-440
Author(s):  
Jo Eric Khushal Murkens
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Multilevel Systems ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Comparative Constitutional Law ◽  
The Stability

Abstract The complexities of the United Kingdom’s decision to withdraw from the European Union while simultaneously honoring its prior commitments to its decentralized, autonomous, and constituent regions have put constitutional questions back on the map. The dominant approach analyzes these questions premised on the “preservative” view of the constitution. This view prioritizes the stability and continuity of the institutions in Westminster (Parliament) and Whitehall (central executive). However, the preservative view of the constitution is theoretically and practically deficient as it cannot give an account of the multipolar and decentralized developments of the past twenty years. Another interpretation regards the legal and political changes to the constitution as “transformative.” This view accentuates the fragility of the U.K. constitution due to a plurality of constitutional rules and the ongoing processes of devolution of powers within multilevel systems of government. This Article discusses that evolution of the U.K. constitution through the prism of comparative constitutional law and its appropriate methodology. The preservative model of the constitution favors a universalist method, whereas the transformative model requires a contextualist method. I argue that the experience of supranational (European Union) and infranational (devolution) power sharing has fundamentally altered the United Kingdom’s central constitutional concepts. To stabilize its fragmentary forces, the United Kingdom needs to adopt concepts that reflect the state as divided, the constitution as transitional, sovereignty as an attribute of the state rather than Parliament, and democracy as conflicted. Nothing less than the future of the United Kingdom as a state is at stake.

The stable transfer method using zero power control in the CTTS system

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 376-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ho-Yun Seon ◽  
Ji-Hoon Yang ◽  
Sang-Hun Lee ◽  
Seong-Mi Park ◽  
Sung-Jun Park
Keyword(s):  
Power Control ◽  
Power Supply ◽  
Current Flow ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Sources ◽  
Electrical Arc ◽  
Transfer Method ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Grid Management

In the CTTS system, while transferring the power supply from the grid to the generator, a sudden arc arises, which causes damage to the system. The method proposed in this study reduces this damage. The power state of the generator stage is made equal to the state of the power of the grid in order to prevent the occurrence of a sudden arc. Even if the generator power state is the same with the power state of the generator, an arc can be generated due to a sudden current flow during the transfer. Therefore, the current in the generator stage is controlled to 0 (zero) when transferring, so that the generation of an electrical arc is minimized. In general, when the CTTS system is used for transferring power sources with an emergency generator, the impact from the electrical arc will be momentarily proportional to the amount of the power supplied from the generator to the load. The damage by the arc will make the life of the CTTS system shorter. In order to prevent such damage, a blocking technique using parallel capacitor is constituted. However, this causes arc generation at the time of input. Thus, in this paper, it is proposed to control the effective or ineffective power of the system to zero. To verify the validity of the proposed method, firstly the Powersim simulation was conducted, and after confirming the feasibility based on this, the actual prototype was created and implemented. Zero power control is proposed as a way to improve the stability of CTTS by significantly reducing the generation of an electrical arc. And this technique can help people working on the distributed power or the grid management.

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