scholarly journals Treading the Path of the Shari�a: Indonesian Feminism at the Crossroads of Western Modernity and Islamism

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manneke Budiman
Keyword(s):  
Women Activists ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The West ◽  
New Era ◽  
Western Modernity ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Sources Of Knowledge

The downfall of Suhartos New Order in 1998 has opened up a new era of political freedom and participation for activists and for groups that try to promote emancipatory agendas as well as for political Islamists keen on introducing tougher conservative, religious measures to society. Womens activism and participation in different sectors has flourished, and their voices have had much stronger echoes in the political dynamics of the country. However, the new era has also given rise to Islamic radicalism that is also hostile to feminist causes and perceives feminism as part of the Western hegemonic project. In such a slippery political terrain, womens movements in Indonesia have to remake the image of feminism in Indonesian terms so that it cannot be dismissed as an ideology imported from the West and, simultaneously, they must develop a home-grown counter-discourse against the mainstream interpretation of sacred texts by using the same sources of knowledge that the Islamists employ. To what extent women activists have succeeded or failed in their struggles to free Indonesian Muslim women from the shackles of the male-dominated reading of Islamic dogma, and what the future trajectories of their struggles might be, are the primary concerns of this essay.

scholarly journals Democratic Citizenship of Teacher Movement in Indonesia Post-Soeharto: Between Democratic Citizenship and Civic Engagement

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 479
Author(s):  
Rakhmat Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Teacher Union ◽  
Teacher Capacity ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Institutional Infrastructure ◽  
Educational Advocacy

After May 1998, Indonesia began the transition from centralization to the era of autonomy. During 32 years, Soeharto’s New Order regime (1966-1998) demonstrated authoritarian regime in many sectors, like politics, economics, social, especially in education. The political freedom of the Reform era has opened up an opportunity for the revival of social movements in Indonesia. Reform has enabled more open political structure, including a friendlier political atmosphere for the teacher movement. The purpose of this research is to explain how teacher movement in Indonesia made transformation from authoritarian which close movement to liberal with open movement. In New Order regime with authoritarian performance, Persatuan Guru Republik Indonesia (Teacher Union in Indonesia) is as the single actor. The paper discussed three main aspects: (1) the explanation of the emerging of teacher movements in the process of democratic citizenship (2) the dynamics of teacher movement in developing teacher capacity in era of decentralization of Indonesia (3) the relations of teacher movement between the civil societies in era of decentralization. The teacher movement influences Indonesia’s democratization process. Teacher movement has contributed substantially in increasing participation and democracy in Indonesia, building the legal and institutional infrastructure for democracy, and providing voice and educational advocacy in supporting the reform.

scholarly journals Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-824
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński ◽  
Vjeran Pavlaković
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Way

What are the consequences of a culture of victory in countries undergoing new state formation and democratic transition? In this article, we examine ‘foundational legitimacy,’ or a hegemonic narrative about the way in which a new state was created, and the role particular groups played in its creation. We argue that the way in which victory is institutionalized can pose a grave threat to the democratic project. If reconciliation and democratization depend of integrating losers into the new order and recognizing plural narratives of state formation, then exclusivist narratives based on foundational legitimacy pose a direct challenge to both. We focus on two Yugoslav successor states, Kosovo and Croatia. For both cases, we trace how appeals to ‘foundational legitimacy’ by groups that claim a leading role in the struggle for independence fostered a politics of exclusion, which ran counter to both the spirit of democracy. In Croatia, foundational legitimacy was partly challenged after 2000 by reformist political forces, though more recently it has re-appeared in political life. In Kosovo, foundational legitimacy was never successfully challenged and continues to shape political dynamics to the present day.

Fiat’s small cars for Polish mass motorisation: The Small Engine Car Factory in Bielsko-Biała and Tychy, 1971–80

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariusz Jastrząb
Keyword(s):  
International Competitiveness ◽  
Motor Vehicles ◽  
Car Ownership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Financial Sustainability ◽  
The West ◽  
Western Modernity ◽  
Technological Gap ◽  
Communist Government ◽  
State Bureaucracy

The paper presents the 1970s licensing agreement between the communist government of Poland and the Italian company Fiat for the production of small motor vehicles, the Fiat 126 model, and the consequent building of the Small Engine Car Factory ( Fabryka Samochodów Małolitrażowych) in Bielsko-Biała and Tychy. The project aimed to enhance Polish economic international competitiveness, to narrow a technological gap between the country and the West, but – most of all – to transplant to Poland an element of Western modernity: individual car ownership. In fact, with three million units produced, 126 was the car that had motorised Poland. The paper focuses on managerial problems that state bureaucracy had to tackle in the process of constructing a new car factory, showing how the political goal of mass motorisation overtook any other financial or industrial constraints, though reducing productivity and financial sustainability of the project.

scholarly journals PERKEMBANGAN PARTAI POLITIK PADA MASA ORDE BARU (1966-1998)

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Arief Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Development ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Sector ◽  
Public Scrutiny ◽  
The Government ◽  
Mass Participation

This study discussed the development of political parties in Indonesia during  the  New Order era.  During this time political freedom was restricted, mass participation is suppressed, the electoral process  was controlled by the government and hardly provided the opportunity for public scrutiny. The only political parties are PPP (Development Unity Party), PDI (Indonesian Democracy Party) and Golongan Karya, which are government political parties. In the view of the government the failure of development so far has come from the political sector, especially political parties. The policy was adopted as part of an efforts to achieve political stability  in order to realize national development. In other words democracy is sacrificed for the benefit of economic development.

scholarly journals Pers dan Kritik Sosial pada Masa Orde Baru: Studi Kasus Pers Mingguan Mahasiswa Indonesia di Bandung, 1966-1974

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-136
Author(s):  
Andi Suwirta
Keyword(s):  
Early Period ◽  
Social Criticism ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Government Power ◽  
The Press ◽  
Historical Methods

ABSTRAKSI: Artikel ini, dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan metode historis, mengkaji tentang dinamika politik pada masa-masa awal Orde Baru (1966-1974) di Indonesia, dengan memfokuskan analisis mengenai pers dan kritik sosial. Studi difokuskan pada mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia” di Bandung, yang bersikap kritis terhadap masalah-masalah yang membelenggu pemerintah Orde Baru pada masa itu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahwa fenomena KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme) pada masa-masa awal pemerintah Orde Baru, seperti kedudukan SPRI (Staf Pribadi) Presiden; kasus BULOG (Badan Urusan Logistik); dan masalah pembangunan TMII (Taman Mini Indonesia Indah) di Jakarta, menjadi “news and views” (berita dan pandangan) yang kritis dari mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia”. Namun, berbagai reaksi tersebut tidak menggoyahkan kedudukan pemerintah Orde Baru dalam rangka membangun konsolidasi kekuasaan dan legitimasi pemerintahan. Bahkan pers yang kritis, termasuk mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia” di Bandung, akhirnya dibungkam oleh pemerintah Orde Baru, dan sepertinya rejim ini tidak akan tergoyahkan untuk masa 20 tahunan ke depan.KATA KUNCI: Pers dan Kritik Sosial; Pemerintah Orde Baru; Mingguan “Mahasiswa Indonesia”; Masalah Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme. ABSTRACT: “Press and Social Criticism in the New Order Period: Case Study of Indonesian Student Weekly in Bandung, 1966-1974”. This article, using a qualitative approach and historical methods, examines the political dynamics in the early period of the New Order (1966-1974) in Indonesia, by focusing on analysis of the press and social criticism. The study focused on the weekly of "Indonesian Students" in Bandung, which were critical towards the problems that bound the New Order government at that time. The results of the study showed that the phenomena of KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism) in the early period of the New Order government, such as the position of the SPRI (Personal Staff) of the President; BULOG (Logistics Affairs Agency) case; and the problem of developing of TMII (Beautiful Indonesian Miniature Garden) in Jakarta, becoming a critical news and views from the weekly of "Indonesian Students". However, these various reactions did not destabilize the position of the New Order government in the context to build a consolidation of government power and legitimacy. Even the critical press, including the weekly of "Indonesian Students" in Bandung, was finally silenced by the New Order government, and it seems that this regime will not be deterred for the next 20 years.KEY WORD: Press and Social Criticism; New Order Government; “Indonesian Students” Weekly; Problems of Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism.About the Author: Andi Suwirta, M.Hum. adalah Dosen Senior di Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI (Fakultas Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia) di Bandung, Jawa Barat, Indonesia; dan Sekretaris Jenderal ASPENSI (Asosiasi Sarjana Pendidikan Sejarah Indonesia) Periode 2018-2023. Untuk kepentingan akademik, penulis bisa dihubungi dengan alamat emel: [email protected]  Suggested Citation: Suwirta, Andi. (2018). "Pers dan Kritik Sosial pada Masa Orde Baru: Studi Kasus Pers Mingguan Mahasiswa Indonesia di Bandung, 1966-1974" in MIMBAR PENDIDIKAN: Jurnal Indonesia untuk Kajian Pendidikan, Volume 3(2), September, pp.113-136. Bandung, Indonesia: UPI [Indonesia University of Education] Press, ISSN 2527-3868 (print) and 2503-457X (online).Article Timeline: Accepted (December 27, 2017); Revised (May 20, 2018); and Published (September 30, 2018). 

scholarly journals RADIKALISME ISLAM: SEJARAH, KARAKTERISTIK, DAN DINAMIKA DALAM MASYARAKAT MULTIKULTURAL DI INDONESIA

ASKETIK ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Taufani Taufani
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Group Influence ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Openness ◽  
Radical Islam

This study aims to elaborate the history, characteristic, and dynamics of Radical Islam group in Indonesia. Post New Order era has opened political opportunity for radical Islam group to colour the Islamic and political dynamics in Indonesia. This study concluded that radicalism teaching was not something new in Islamic history. Radical Islam group could flourish due to the political openness milieu post New Order Era as well as the infiltration of radical Islam teaching rooted in Middle East into Indonesian Islam. To anticipate the strengthening of Radical Islam group influence in Indonesia, the collaboration between the state and the populace are highly needed.

Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
New Era ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
First Time ◽  
Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

PENSAMENTO POLÍTICO EM GIORGIO AGAMBEN

Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes
Keyword(s):  
Political Freedom ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Control ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>

The Brunanburh Campaign: A Reappraisal

2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Halloran
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Variant Form ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Battle Of Brunanburh

Modern accounts of the battle of Brunanburh have generally suggested a location in the Northumbrian-Mercian borderlands east or west of the Pennines, a conclusion based in part on analysis of the aims and strategy of Anlaf Guthfrithson, Viking king of Dublin. This article re-examines the political dynamics of the coalition against Athelstan, taking account of the territorial and political ambitions of the kings of Alba and Strathclyde, and proposes a radically different interpretation of the campaign of 937. It also questions the reliability of the variant form Brunanburh as a guide to the battle's location and concludes that the most likely site was Burnswark in Annandale.

Charlemagne’s Health in ‘Old Age’: Did It Affect Carolingian Military Strategy?

Mediaevistik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-53
Author(s):  
Bernard S. Bachrach
Keyword(s):  
Old Age ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
The West ◽  
Long Time

During the first thirty-three years of his reign as king of the Franks, i.e., prior to his coronation as emperor on Christmas day 800, Charlemagne, scholars generally agree, pursued a successful long-term offensive and expansionist strategy. This strategy was aimed at conquering large swaths of erstwhile imperial territory in the west and bringing under Carolingian rule a wide variety of peoples, who either themselves or their regional predecessors previously had not been subject to Frankish regnum.1 For a very long time, scholars took the position that Charlemagne continued to pursue this expansionist strategy throughout the imperial years, i.e., from his coronation on Christmas Day 800 until his final illness in later January 814. For example, Louis Halphen observed: “comme empereur, Charles poursuit, sans plus, l’oeuvre entamée avant l’an 800.”2 F. L. Ganshof, who also wrote several studies treating Charlemagne’s army, was in lock step with Halphen and observed: “As emperor, Charlemagne pursued the political and military course he had been following before 25 December 800.”3

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