scholarly journals مراحل تطور العلاقة الاقتصادية بين السعودية والصين / Stages of Development of the Economic Relationship Between the Saudi Arabia and China

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-104
Author(s):  
Abdullah bin Abdul Mohsen Al-Faraj

Abstract The economic relations between Saudi Arabia and modern China witnessed four stages: 1. the phase of almost no relationship, which lasted from 1949 AD until the mid-seventies of the last century; 2. the stage of initiating developing relations between the two countries after the start of economic reforms in China; 3. relations of highly advanced levels after the acceleration of the growth rates of the Chinese economy at the beginning of the new millennium; 4. the phase of transforming the Chinese economy into a locomotive that drags the rest of the train cars of the world economy, following the financial-economic crisis that hit the industrial hubs in 2008, whose epicenter was the United States after the mortgage crisis. During the fourth stage, two visions concurred: the Kingdom’s Vision 2030, and the China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which strengthened relations between the two countries. strengthened relations between the two countries.

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (8) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
M. Potapov ◽  
N. Kotlyarov

The article is analyzing the positions of China in global capital markets, and the factors that determine them. It shows the trends and features of attracting foreign direct investment in China, exporting Chinese capital abroad, attracting portfolio investments to China. The investment aspects of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and the role of Hong Kong as an international financial center are also considered. The evolution of the currency market regulation in China and the dynamics of the Yuan exchange rate, as well as the internationalizing of the Chinese currency and its use in cross-border operations are also discussed. The authors believe that the prospects for strengthening China’s position in the global capital markets will be determined by a number of circumstances, including the dynamics of the world economy, the growth rate of the Chinese economy, and the consistent liberalization of conditions for cross-border capital movement in China. The maintaining of higher growth rates of the Chinese economy in the context of the global recession and the coronavirus pandemic, as well as the ongoing liberalization of the domestic capital markets, suggest that the Chinese economy will remain attractive for foreign investors. The export of Chinese direct investment abroad will be largely determined by the dynamics of the country’s foreign trade, national restrictions on the export of capital, the implementing the Belt and Road Initiative and the position of China’s leading economic partners, primarily the United States, towards Chinese investment. At the same time, increased geopolitical and country risks will affect the geographical structure of China’s investment abroad in the direction of enhancing cooperation with Asian countries and participants of the Belt and Road Project. In the context of aggravated relations with the United States, China will make efforts to reduce dependence on the US dollar in settlements. Further steps will also be taken to internationalize the Chinese national currency and to achieve an increase in the use of RMB in payments. The lifting of restrictions on cross-border portfolio investments in the PRC is predetermined by ensuring the domestic macroeconomic stability, strengthening the financial system, low inflation, affordable credit, a stable balance of payments, and sufficient foreign exchange reserves. China’s real entry into the world’s leaders, both in the global commodity and capital markets, requires the creation of its own technological base, the transition to a new energy-saving, environmental-friendly national economic structure based on knowledge and new technologies, balancing the development levels of the country’s regions, and increasing the average per capita income of people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Khaled Mohammed Alqahtani

The People's Republic of China and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia enjoy close and friendly relations and share broad common interests-regardless of their ideological differences, evident in their names. China’s Belt and Road Initiative is aimed at developing infrastructure projects and declining transportation costs to interlink cross-border trade deals between China and countries along the routes. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, a central hub connecting Asia, Africa and Europe, has been a significant part of the initiative. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is one of the first countries that have responded positively to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI brings China much closer to Saudi Arabia. As BRI’s linchpin in the Middle East, dose Saudi Arabia benefit from this initiative? Based on the elaborate analysis of main research question, this study reveals that the BRI offers great potential opportunities for the Kingdom in terms of infrastructure construction, energy cooperation, technology and finance, culture exchange, security and defense. In addition, China could collaborate with Saudi Arabia in a significant number of sectors where Saudi and Chinese strengths are complementary. The deeper Sino-Saudi cooperation can also brighten the prospects for Saudi Vision 2030. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Alfiya Rafisovna Alikberova ◽  
Alikberov Alikberov

The main aim of the article is to study the actual topic of the digital economy of the People’s Republic of China, as well as the digitalization of Chinese society. The research work analyzes the phenomenon of the digital economy and the mechanisms of its implementation in China. The main aim of the work is to study in detail the digitalization of the economy of modern China, the role of the digital economy in the development of the PRC and the introduction of digital technologies in public life. The methodological basis of the study was general humanitarian research methods: comparative-historical and generalization method, which allowed us to draw reliable conclusions. The article would be interesting both to practicing economists, international experts, historians, and political scientists, as well as teachers of educational programs related to the world economy, the economy of China and international relations.    


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 229
Author(s):  
Esmat Mohamed Abdel Moniem el sayed

SMEs (small and medium-sized enterprises) account for 60 to 70 percent of jobs in most OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries with a particularly large share in Italy and Japan, and a relatively smaller share in the United States. Throughout; they also account for a disproportionately large share of new jobs, especially in those countries which have displayed a strong employment record.In Saudi Arabia, more than two-thirds of the population are younger than 30 and about 100,000 graduates enter the job market each year. The present paper discusses what measures should be taken and highlights the importance of understanding the relationship and interaction between unemployment and entrepreneurship. The present research focuses on studies that explain small and medium-sized entrepreneurship and its role in reducing unemployment in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Both qualitative and quantitative approaches are used to collect data that may contribute to a better understanding of the employment issues of Saudi young men and women. Besides; we introduce entrepreneurship Survey Questionnaire; this survey has focused mainly on understanding the relationship and interaction between unemployment and entrepreneurship. In this survey, a more balanced view is taken by examining the factors which contribute to creating more job opportunities.


Author(s):  
V. Shved

The article deals with the main features of the Saudi model of historical development transformation. It analyzes a number of factors which forces the process of fundamental updating of the current model of development, which is led by the royal family of Saudi Arabia. The current model of development was based on the extraordinary profits from the oil trade and a fundamentalist Islam, generally known as Wahhabism, is mentioned. Among these factors we should take into account: the steep decrease in the world oil market during 2015–2016; partly replacement of Saudi Arabia by the United States on this market caused by the shale revolution; the significant increase in tensions with Iran for hegemony in the Middle East and because of connection with its military intervention in Yemen. The research shows that the current Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman, who united the team of young revolutionists – Young Saudis, was the main inspirer and organizer of the "White Revolution". The program of the Kingdom's modern strategic development is reviewed. It determines the new main measures of the historical development, known as "Saudi Vision 2030", and connected with its project "NEOM". The author argues that the principal tasks of "Saudi Vision 2030" and the project "NEOM" are the denial of rent model of economy, becoming Saudi Arabia's transformation into the world biggest investment hub and global center of the meeting of civilizations. The author shows, that deep changes in the economy, finance and investments are accompanied by the huge transformation in the mindsets of society. One of the main components of these changes is the waiver of Wahhabism and transition to the moderate Islam, as well as hasty establishment of the new Saudi identity on the base of active promotion of nationalism that focuses not on religious, but on the state-building aspect of the modern Saudi nation development. The researcher proposes to take into account these new changes in Saudi reality during development of Ukraine-Saudi Arabia relations more carefully and to study this experience in the course of the formation of modern Ukrainian model of historical development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 356-360
Author(s):  
Irina V. Minakova ◽  
Tatyana N. Bukreeva ◽  
Оlga I. Solodukhina ◽  
Оlga G. Timofeeva

This paper reveals the consequences of the unipolar system of the world economy provided by the United States leadership in the military-technological, financial-economic, geopolitical and information-ideological spheres. It was established that after the collapse of the socialist camp, the concepts of ‘humanitarian intervention’ and ‘spreading democracy’ were brought to the forefront. In practice, Western European countries have demonstrated their readiness to judge the solutions of domestic political disputes in other countries of the world, especially when it comes to geopolitically important countries. A series of ‘colour revolutions’ have become a demonstration of this policy. Therefore, the globalization of the modern world does not mean the homogenization of development indicators of countries’, but instead leads to further delamination and inequality. The gap between the world leaders and the rest of the world in terms of indicators reflecting the dynamics of the standard of living, the quality of life, scientific and technological progress, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has significantly increased.It is illustrated that attempts of the US to consolidate its hegemony in the form of ‘leadership’ in the world had led to the erosion of international legal principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Therefore, the United States attempts to solve the problems in Iraq and Afghanistan unilaterally has failed.The objective and subjective signs of a global restructuring of the existing unipolar world system are revealed.


1995 ◽  
pp. 327-347
Author(s):  
Gerd Junne

This paper examines the question of whether the world will continue to move toward a liberal, multi-lateral world trade system or whether it will fall apart into rival trade blocs. It starts with a short comparison of different scenarios for the development of the world economy. It then tries to illustrate the importance of developments inside the major trade blocs for the relationships between these blocs, taking as an examples (a) the impact of Gernam reunification, (b) the impact of a possible break-up of China, and (c) the impact of domestic polarization within the United States. It then discusses how different research avenues give rise to different expectations with regard to cooperation versus rivalry. For instance, from a long waves perspective increasing rivalry can be expected. However, an analysis of strategic alliances points in the direction of more cooperation and collective management of international economic relations. And finally, analyses that give more attention to the internal restructuring of companies lead to the hypothesis that new societal demands for a more active state will be articulated, implying more frictions at the international level. An analysis in terms of "concepts of control" points in the same direction. The tenative conclusion of this paper, meanwhile, is that "managed rivalry" will characterize future relations between the main trading blocs.


2015 ◽  
pp. 116-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Kuznetsov

The article deals with Russian traditions of studies of foreign countries which have become an intellectual pillar for Russian economic expertise. The modern application of experience of Soviet scientific schools in international studies is shown, especially in the fields of world development forecasts, analysis of Russian foreign economic relations and research of economic policy abroad. The article is based on open sources with publications, reports and presentations about expert and analytical activities of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) and other institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences, VNIKI-Institute, MGIMO-University and some other centers. It is explained that results of international studies have become a necessary element for consulting of governmental bodies and businessmen in the epoch of globalization.


Author(s):  
Richard Pomfret

This book analyzes the Central Asian economies of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from their buffeting by the commodity boom of the early 2000s to its collapse in 2014. The book examines the countries' relations with external powers and the possibilities for development offered by infrastructure projects as well as rail links between China and Europe. The transition of these nations from centrally planned to market-based economic systems was essentially complete by the early 2000s, when the region experienced a massive increase in world prices for energy and mineral exports. This raised incomes in the main oil and gas exporters, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan; brought more benefits to the most populous country, Uzbekistan; and left the poorest countries, the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, dependent on remittances from migrant workers in oil-rich Russia and Kazakhstan. The book considers the enhanced role of the Central Asian nations in the global economy and their varied ties to China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With improved infrastructure and connectivity between China and Europe (reflected in regular rail freight services since 2011 and China's announcement of its Belt and Road Initiative in 2013), relaxation of UN sanctions against Iran in 2016, and the change in Uzbekistan's presidency in late 2016, a window of opportunity appears to have opened for Central Asian countries to achieve more sustainable economic futures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 68-85
Author(s):  
D. V. Streltsov

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.


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