scholarly journals Foreign Policy Planning and the Effectiveness Evaluation of the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Bodies

Author(s):  
George Borshchevskiy ◽  

Introduction. The paper aims to study the features of cascading goals and requirements for the activities of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs from the level of strategic documents of foreign policy planning to the duties of diplomatic servants, describe a mechanism for assessing the achievement of these priorities, identify gaps between them and work out ways to optimize. Methods and materials. The author applies the following methods: comparative legal, structural and logical, classification, comparison, analysis of quantitative and qualitative indicators, decomposition of goals. Regulatory legal acts and materials of law enforcement practice are studied. Analysis. An analytical tool was developed to assess the level of effectiveness of foreign agencies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Results. The paper reveals the redundancy and duplication of foreign policy planning goals. It is advisable to formulate foreign policy priorities in the “Foreign Policy” Public program. Gaps between the goals of the state’s foreign policy and the goals that guide diplomatic institutions are identified. The author proposes measures to optimize the control and reporting of overseas agencies. It is proposed to change the personnel paradigm of the diplomatic service from bureaucratic to active (focus on solving large-scale problems) and intermediary (search for compromises). To conduct a coordinated foreign policy, it is necessary to generalize the dynamics of the activities of all foreign agencies, objectively evaluate their contribution to the achievement of foreign policy priorities.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Rogério de Souza Farias

Summary Policy planning has a long history in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs around the world. This article provides an overview of almost 70 years of this technique in Brazil’s Ministry of External Relations (Itamaraty). I will argue that there has been a clear trade-off between predicting, preaching, disrupting and managing. Despite its failures, planning has been an important tool for coping with uncertainty and has provided coherence in foreign policy-making.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
GEORGY A. Borshchevskiy

Introduction. The purpose of this article is to develop recommendations for improving the consistency of documents in the field of foreign policy planning, optimizing the algorithms for their formation and use in the activities of overseas agencies of the Russian Foreign Ministry. Materials and methods. For achieve this we use both qualitative methods (e.g. systematic approach, classification, comparative legal analysis) and quantitative methods (network graph method, statistical analysis etc.). Results of the study. The results of the work are as follows. First, we classified all documents in the field of foreign policy into groups according to their goals: regulatory (legal regulatory and goal-setting) and reporting (political reports and reference). Second, we have studied the relationships of these documents and have revealed the prevalenceof goal-setting documents over other groups while a number of such documents are poorly coordinated with each other and with reporting documents. Third, we suggested utilizing the potential of the state program of the Russian Federation “Foreign Policy Activity” and the national project “International Cooperation and Export”. Forth, we’ve proved that the foreign policy documentation mainly deals with the tasks of overseas agencies which are the link between the documents of the upper and lower levels. On the contrary, the Concept for Strengthening the Resource and Personnel Potential of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not receive development. Fifth, the degree of use of various technical reports is minimal among all reporting documents.Discussion and conclusions. The following conclusions have been made. The priorities of theforeign policy of the Russian Federation and the leading role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in coordinating their implementation may be formulated in a state program of the Russian Federation “Foreign Policy Activity”, which systematizes the priorities and allows assessing the effectiveness of their implementation in relation to the budget and key targets. It is also proposed that the diplomatic staff of overseas agencies be freed from the technical reporting which should be delegated to the administrative and technical staff. The greater effectiveness of reporting processes will be facilitated by using unified online forms. The possibility of their computer processing in the Foreign Ministry will allow summarizing data and making data-oriented organizational and personnel decisions.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-90
Author(s):  
Ihor Datskiv

The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined. It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy. It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR. The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity. The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se. Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
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Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


Author(s):  
Asle Toje

We do not want to place anyone into the shadow, we also claim our place in the sun.” In a foreign policy debate in the German parliament on December 6. 1897 the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Bernhard von Bülow, articulated the foreign policy aspirations of the ascendant Wilhelmine Germany. This proved easier said than done. In 1907, Eyre Crowe of the British Foreign Office penned his famous memorandum where he accounted for “the present state of British relations with France and Germany.” He concluded that Britain should meet imperial Germany with “unvarying courtesy and consideration” while maintaining “the most unbending determination to uphold British rights and interests in every part of the globe.”...


Author(s):  
Cody Minks ◽  
Anke Richter

AbstractObjectiveResponding to large-scale public health emergencies relies heavily on planning and collaboration between law enforcement and public health officials. This study examines the current level of information sharing and integration between these domains by measuring the inclusion of public health in the law enforcement functions of fusion centers.MethodsSurvey of all fusion centers, with a 29.9% response rate.ResultsOnly one of the 23 responding fusion centers had true public health inclusion, a decrease from research conducted in 2007. Information sharing is primarily limited to information flowing out of the fusion center, with little public health information coming in. Most of the collaboration is done on a personal, informal, ad-hoc basis. There remains a large misunderstanding of roles, capabilities, and regulations by all parties (fusion centers and public health). The majority of the parties appear to be willing to work together, but there but there is no forward momentum to make these desires a reality. Funding and staffing issues seem to be the limiting factor for integration.ConclusionThese problems need to be urgently addressed to increase public health preparedness and enable a decisive and beneficial response to public health emergencies involving a homeland security response.


Algorithms ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Aleksei Vakhnin ◽  
Evgenii Sopov

Modern real-valued optimization problems are complex and high-dimensional, and they are known as “large-scale global optimization (LSGO)” problems. Classic evolutionary algorithms (EAs) perform poorly on this class of problems because of the curse of dimensionality. Cooperative Coevolution (CC) is a high-performed framework for performing the decomposition of large-scale problems into smaller and easier subproblems by grouping objective variables. The efficiency of CC strongly depends on the size of groups and the grouping approach. In this study, an improved CC (iCC) approach for solving LSGO problems has been proposed and investigated. iCC changes the number of variables in subcomponents dynamically during the optimization process. The SHADE algorithm is used as a subcomponent optimizer. We have investigated the performance of iCC-SHADE and CC-SHADE on fifteen problems from the LSGO CEC’13 benchmark set provided by the IEEE Congress of Evolutionary Computation. The results of numerical experiments have shown that iCC-SHADE outperforms, on average, CC-SHADE with a fixed number of subcomponents. Also, we have compared iCC-SHADE with some state-of-the-art LSGO metaheuristics. The experimental results have shown that the proposed algorithm is competitive with other efficient metaheuristics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Jenichen

AbstractIt is a common—often stereotypical—presumption that Europe is secular and America religious. Differences in international religious freedom and religious engagement policies on both sides of the Atlantic seem to confirm this “cliché.” This article argues that to understand why it has been easier for American supporters to institutionalize these policies than for advocates in the EU, it is important to consider the discursive structures of EU and US foreign policies, which enable and constrain political language and behavior. Based on the analysis of foreign policy documents, produced by the EU and the United States in their relationship with six religiously diverse African and Asian states, the article compares how both international actors represent religion in their foreign affairs. The analysis reveals similarities in the relatively low importance that they attribute to religion and major differences in how they represent the contribution of religion to creating and solving problems in other states. In sum, the foreign policies of both international actors are based on a secular discursive structure, but that of the United States is much more accommodative toward religion, including Islam, than that of the EU.


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