scholarly journals Media policymaking at the core of anthropological concerns in South Asia

Author(s):  
charusmita c
Keyword(s):  
1970 ◽  
Vol 78 ◽  
pp. 1-162
Author(s):  
Claus Peter Zoller

The following essay pursues the question whether a possible non-singular immigration-encounter-event between speakers of dialects of Indo-Aryan and (as maintained in this essay) speakers of dialects of Austro-Asiatic (mostly Munda) have not only left marks in the linguistic history of Indo-Aryan (analyzed in Zoller forthcoming), but also in the cultural and political history of North India. My argumentation will follow several lines of nested arguments, but the most general is this: Whereas in the Abrahamic religions of Christianity and Islam a combination of proclivity for expansionism plus proclivity for religious violence have led to a virtual eradication or at least a subjugation of infidel traditions in the core areas of their religious/political powers (i.e. Europe and Middle East), this venture was less successful in case of South Asia. Thus the most salient aspect of this historical contingency is the fact that cultural historians – but also historical linguists – can see much deeper and much more unimpeded into the prehistory and early history both of the Indo-Aryan and the non-Indo-Aryan (= mainly Austro-Asiatic) North Indian world. The opposition between Abrahamic monotheists and Hindu ‘infidels’ manifests also in the contrast between the topics of blasphemy and transgressive sacrality. The former is typically associated with Abrahamic religions, whereas there is an abundance and great variety of examples of transgressive sacrality in Hinduism.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-52
Author(s):  
Brahma Prakash

The introduction foregrounds the field of study and introduces the concepts and specific contexts in which the study is undertaken. It problematizes the existing binaries that remain between culture and labour and uncovers the uncanny relationship between them. The chapter asks what happens to culture and labour in their affective and performative turn, especially in ‘folk’ performances in India when labour becomes a performance, performance becomes labour. The irreducibility of such practices to culture or labour demands the formulation of some other category, and I designate it as cultural labour. Cultural labour is the core of the folk performance in South Asia and therefore the chapter argues that it can also work as a framework to study the performance cultures of subaltern communities. The chapter also discusses research method and methodology and introduces the five performances which have been undertaken in this work.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 109-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Cutler

AbstractCentral Asia is only one of the core regional subsystems of international relations that constitute Central Eurasia. The others are Southwest Asia and South Asia. All three subsystems are mutually distinct and do not intersect. The years 1989-1994 saw the geopolitical enlargement of Southwest Asia into Greater Southwest Asia; 1995-2000, that of Central Asia into Greater Central Asia; and 2001-2006, that of South Asia into Greater South Asia. These "Greater" complements overlap, and their intersection is key to the future of international relations in Greater Central Asia and Central Eurasia as a whole. It is through their matrix that powers such as Russia and the United States (as well as China, India, Iran, Turkey) play out their search for influence in Central Asia proper.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-99
Author(s):  
Edward Owen Teggin

This study was inspired by research into the personal correspondence of colonial servants in Sumatra and South Asia, and the realisation that their articulation of negative emotions such as anxiety or fear are ill-fitted to the current wider understanding of colonial anxiety. This article argues that the progress of colonial empires was widely shaped by negative emotions such as these, yet there were also methods used by colonial servants to deal with such negative experiences. The core example of this has been the case studies of Robert Cowan and Alexander Hall; these men’s letter archives display their usage of correspondence networks as part of their coping strategy. It is argued that these specifically ethnic, and at times gendered, correspondence networks formed a cultural bulwark which was used to cope with aspects of colonial anxiety. The method of this study therefore was epistolary examination to gather evidence and construct arguments. The archives of Cowan and Hall were compared and examined side by side to identify common patters and content. These were then considered in tandem with the current wider understanding of colonial anxiety. Based on the evidence gathered, it has been concluded that ethnic networks such as those examined could mitigate aspects of colonial anxiety. At the same time, these also demonstrate the great potential for future interdisciplinary studies involving personal histories tied to both Sumatra and South Asia.


Author(s):  
N. Manoharan ◽  
Drorima Chatterjee ◽  
Dhruv Ashok

One of the key terms to understand the nature of violence and conflicts world over is ‘radicalisation’. Sri Lankan case is instructive in understanding various dimensions of Islamic radicalisation and de-radicalisation, especially in South Asia. Though a small state, Sri Lanka has witnessed three radical movements, the latest being Islamic that got manifested in deadly Easter attacks of April 2019. Eco-space for Islamic radicalisation existed in the island for decades, but the rise of ultra-Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism post the end of Eelam War IV acted as a breaking point. The underlying context is perceived insecurity feeling projected by hardline Sinhala-Buddhist elements. In due course, the primary ‘other’ shifted from Tamils to Sri Lankan Muslims. Apart from inter-communal dissonance, international jihadist network also fostered radicalisation process in the island’s Muslim community. Political instability due to co-habitation issues between the then president and the prime minister was a perfect distraction from the core security and development issues. In response to the violent manifestation of radicalisation, de-radicalisation measures by the successive Sri Lankan governments were mostly military in nature. Socio-economic and political components of Islamic de-radicalisation are at the incipient stage, if not totally missing. The article suggests wide-ranging measures to address the issue of radicalisation in the island state.


2019 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Taliaferro

Chapter 7 undertakes three tasks. First, it summarizes the core theoretical argument and the empirical support for the neoclassical realist theory, nuclear domino theory, credible sanctions theory, and security commitment theory hypotheses found inthe previous four chapters. The main take-away of the book is the following: The nonproliferation strategies the United States pursued toward vulnerable allies in the Middle East, East Asia, and South Asia were inextricably linked to broader Cold War dynamics, as tempered by each administration’s ability to mobilize support or defuse opposition in Congress. The ultimate objective of each administration, from Kennedy to H. W. Bush, was to contain the Soviet Union's influence in the Middle East and South Asia or to enlist China as an ally of convenience against the Soviets in East Asia. Second, Chapter 7 highlights several theoretical implications of this argument and avenues for future research. Third, the chapter briefly considers what neoclassical realist theory would suggest for some dilemmas in contemporary US foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Holly Walters

Shaligram pilgrimage is both a macrocosm of Shaligram practice and a microcosm of life itself. Mobility is, however, at the core of all aspects of veneration. Shaligram pilgrimage then offers a glimpse into the methods by which people come to identify with certain places, regardless of whether or not they live in those places or have ever visited them before. It also offers insight into how marginalization, militarization, and economic challenges in Mustang have had significant effects on both Shaligram practices throughout South Asia and the world. Furthermore, due to the plurality of sacred spaces in physical locations, such as happens through the dham, Shaligrams become capable of being both from a place and carrying that place with them.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Muhammad Umer Hayat ◽  
Alina Zaid ◽  
Farrukh Shahzad

This article highlights the aims under Indian Prime Minister Modi concerning to foreign policy of India since 2014. Moreover, it determines those factors that are working as an impetus along with great powers intentions and motives behind them in playing such geostrategic politics in different dimensions, specifically in the nuclear relationship of India and Pakistan. It will also be summarised the assistance and neutrality of Asian power, United States role in South Asia. This paper evaluates the prospects of escalation and de-escalation furthermore as it will discuss the opacity of No First Use, logic and attempt for eradication. This article critically analyses the changing postures in terms of nuclear motivations, the ideology of the Hindutva effect and the comparison of arms and weapons, which are creating risks of miscalculations and essentially at the core of the stability-instability paradox. An attempt is also made to shed light on the core elements that are formulating under Modi.


2021 ◽  
pp. 47-74
Author(s):  
Minqi Li

Whether China has become an imperialist country is a question of crucial importance for the global class struggle. Although China has developed an exploitative relationship with South Asia, Africa, and other raw material exporters, on the whole, China continues to transfer a greater amount of surplus value to the core countries in the capitalist world system than it receives from the periphery. China is thus best described as a semi-peripheral country in the capitalist world system.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (II) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Hikmat Afridi ◽  
Manzoor Khan Afridi ◽  
Ijaz Khalid

Independent dominions in shape of Pakistan and India emerged as result of partition on 14 August and 15 August 1947 respectively while the fate of over 500 princely states awaited decision. Due to overwhelming majority of Muslims, Jammu and Kashmir should have acceded to Pakistan. The hardness in Indian stance resulted in the two wars i.e. of 1965 and 1971 besides two limited wars of 1947-48 and 1999Kargil war. South Asia remained on the brink of war in 2002 standoff and the current escalations in Azad Kashmir. Contrarily, both Pakistan and India had agreed upon the United Nations resolutions, including, "the accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir will be decided through free and impartial plebiscite under the auspices of United Nations". The Indian strategy was to gain time on the pretext that "Indians are superior to Pakistanis in military and industrial power therefore Pakistan would accept a settlement imposed by the Indians". Additional India pleaded that Pakistan had joined defence Pacts with west, so India moved away from the process of Plebiscite. Now, India wants to discuss only terrorism brushing aside the core issue of Kashmir. Resultantly, the people of Kashmir are at the mercy of despotic and tyrant Indian Forces and they are suffering the most. How long the innocent population of Kashmir will be looking to ask the world to come forward for an open hearted settlement of this long outstanding dispute? The situation may escalate into a nuclear flashpoint.


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