scholarly journals Geopolitics as an “Arbitrator” in the Economic Competition of Trans-Baikal Cities (Mid 19th - Early 20th Century)

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-299
Author(s):  
Lilia Kalmina
Keyword(s):  
Baikal Region ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Far East ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Regional Market ◽  
Railway Infrastructure ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One

The article is devoted to the economic rivalry of two Trans-Baikal cities, such as the chief town of the district Verkhneudinsk and the regional town Chita, for the leadership in the region which began with the foundation of the Trans-Baikal region and the appointment of Chita as its capital. Unspoken competition was manifested in determining the status and role in the Trans-Baikal economic area, the place in the regional market system, and the development of banking and railway infrastructure. Despite the fact that Verkhneudinsk had better starting opportunities (a higher level of economic and cultural development), it was almost always in the role of the one which catches up. The status of the administrative center of the Trans-Baikal Region gave Chita the opportunity to «work ahead of the curve». However, the victory in the final round of the competition remained with the chief town of the district, which, however, did not manage to take advantage of its fruits. The author's task is to reconstruct the stages of this peculiar competition and determine the factors that influenced its outcome. The analysis of the sources, first of all, the documents of the State Archive of the Republic of Buryatia, allowed to make the conclusion that the decisions made by the imperial center in relation to both cities were based on the geopolitical factor. It was the task of strengthening Russian influence in the Far East that dictated the deployment of infrastructure facilities in Trans-Baikal cities, which increased their economic status.

scholarly journals The first period of double interstate military conflict on the African horn (1960-1977)

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-113
Author(s):  
Andrii Pospielov
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Interstate Conflict ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One

The article is devoted to the first period of the interstate military conflict in the Horn of Africa. The events of 1960-1977 are revealed. In two conflict zones. On the one hand, the buildup and manifestation of an interstate military-political confrontation between Ethiopia and the Republic of Somalia, and on the other hand, aspects of the emergence of an intrastate military conflict in Ethiopia itself related to the Eritrean issue are analyzed. Moreover, it is noted that the province of the Ethiopian Empire, and since 1974 the Republic of Eritrea, de facto was not so much an internal structure of the indicated state as a semi-legal state, fought for its independence. This process was provoked in 1945-1959. Great Britain, Italy and the UN. These world players created a situation of the unification of British and Italian Somalia into a single state - the Republic of Somalia, depriving it after the creation of those territories that were inhabited by related tribes. Thus, Western countries pushed Somalia to search for ways to unite with the territories of Ogaden and Kenya exclusively by military means. And Somalia, which was experiencing the shortcomings of all Somalia, was forced to seek a partner who would provide official Mogadishu with the means of warfare, against the background of constant help not to her, but exclusively to neighboring Ethiopia. That is why the Republic of Somalia has become an exclusively Soviet ally since the late 1960s. An example of the creation of a single Republic of Somalia and an attempt to have Western countries as an ally, and after 1974 the countries of socialism, the maritime power of Ethiopia, actually created a complex of double interstate conflict in this region of East Africa. It was in him that the status of Somalia as a country without related territories and Eritrea as the usual province of Ethiopia was fixed, which did not suit their peoples and leaders.

scholarly journals Changes in Chinese-Indonesian Identity: Indonesianization or Re- Sinicization?

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harryanto Aryodiguno
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Culture ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The One ◽  
The Rise Of China ◽  
Do So

During the Suharto era, which began after the anti-Chinese riots in 1965 as a result of the deterioration of the relation between Indonesia and China, forced policies of assimilation was adopted for curtailing the Chinese culture and to control Chinese-Indonesians. Yet, anti-Chinese sentiments remained, and attacks against them reached its climax in May 1998, when anti-Chinese riots recurred because of the allegation that Chinese-Indonesians had an advantageous economic status, and they were the culprit that brought financial crisis to Indonesia. The May 1998 riot ended Suharto’s era, and Chinese Indonesians saw improvement in their position and condition. Now, they strive to find their own identity and political status. Their efforts to do so were also influence by the rise of China. That is why, this paper aims at examining whether the reintroduction of Chinese cultural celebrations into Chinese-Indonesian community would result in the demise of policies of assimilation. It also examines whether the rise of China would propel them to establish a closer identification with the People’s Republic of China. How do Chinese-Indonesians view their identity? How do they choose this identity and their political inclinations? These are the research questions this paper is going to answer. The findings show that the status of the Chinese in Indonesia is divided into two groups. The first group is the one who is determined to break away from Chinese identification, and the second group is the one that still maintains their Chinese culture.

CRIMINAL LIABILITY OF LEGAL PERSONS IN R. OF MACEDONIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1947-1952
Author(s):  
Alban Kadriu
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Criminal Liability ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Person ◽  
Legal Entity ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One

Otherwise the subject of justice of a person with whom a person earns from his birth, a legal person is a product of the written law. In general, a legal entity is usually an organization that has ownership, economic activity, operational management, property and liability of its obligations with that property. Legal persons have their own will, their property they own and are responsible for their actions, which allows not being confused with the property of the people who founded it, nor of the will of all the people who work in it. Legal persons have an important role in everyday life. They are present and active in every field, because the legal system recognizes them as subjects of law.As an artificial creation created by law, a legal person also serves to create different collective goals and interests in society. However, it is important to note that all organizations, associations, institutions, etc., which exist today in the Republic of Macedonia, which have the property and organization of people working there, are not considered as legal entities. For this, the organization, company or the status of a legal person or the same should be foreseen in the state legal order. Criminal law in a country must, above all, serve the citizens, namely to assure their personal security and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, with proper functioning and due respect, above all of state bodies, but also of others. to enable citizens a peaceful life on the one hand, and on the other hand, the state will provide opportunities and a range of tools for maintaining the peace and well-being of citizens.From this we can conclude that if the offense is committed outside of the authority given to a natural person in this case the legal person can not be held responsible, but if the same case and despite being carried out outside the authorization is carried out in favor of the person legal entity in this case the legal person appears as an accomplice in the crime and to decide on his responsibility is the sufficient fact that the benefits he takes for himself or shares with his bailiff, noting the fact that the legal person and the person in charge of the person are collaborators of crime.From the criminal liability, the only excluded is the country by simple reason which would be illogical or with other words the state only accounts for themselves and their actions, while local governments are responsible only for offenses committed outside their public powers.

scholarly journals ARMENIA: AN UNEASY CHOICE BETWEEN RUSSIA'S NEW INITIATIVES AND THE EU EASTERN PARTNERSHIP

2014 ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
M. Y. Vardazaryan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Factor ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The West ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Strategic Cooperation ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The article studies the problems of foreign policy orientations of the Republic of Armenia, first of all those concerning "Russian" and "European" integration processes. Particularly, the main stages and peculiarities of Armenia's cooperation with the EU are presented. The author reflects upon the issue of the essence of the status and perspectives of associated membership in the EU. Revealing the difficulties within the EU and on the CIS territory, the author analyzes the capabilities of Armenia to combine, on the one hand, economic integration with the West and, on the other, military-political integration with the East. The article identifies the reasons of "freezing" Armenian-Russian relations in early 2013. Examining the perspectives of the Association Agreement with the EU and of membership in the Customs Union and taking into account the complex geopolitical situation in the region, analyzing all the facets of Armenia's economic and political collaboration both with the EU and RF, the author comes to the conclusion that Yerevan's choice of September 35 3,2013 is expedient and justified. Deepened strategic cooperation with Moscow, first of all, provides military and energy security of Armenia, although the economic factor shouldn't be underestimated. The author draws attention to the fact that Armenia's involvement in the Customs Union avails it the opportunity to keep collaborating with the European Union, however, from a more powerful position, which we have already witnessed through the alterations in the tone of some European officials.

scholarly journals Dynamics of the language situation in Belarus and the Belarusian language in the world in the context of the “one belt and one way” initiative

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-199
Author(s):  
Yuqin Pan ◽  
A. A. Lukashanets
Keyword(s):  
National Language ◽  
World Language ◽  
Language Functions ◽  
World Languages ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact

This paper focuses on the impact of globalization on dynamics of language situations and national language functions in today’s world. The results obtained propose that the definition of modern language situation in the Republic of Belarus should be expanded as endogenous/exogenous closely related state Belarusian-Russian bilingualism (balanced in legal terms and unbalanced, unequal in functional and communicative terms), complicated by the languages of national minorities and national diasporas, and significant expansion of the presence of world languages in the Belarusian national language space. This paper shows the characteristics of language situation in Belarus and the status of Belarusian in the general Slavic background. Taking the language situation of the Republic of Belarus and the Belarusian language as an example, this paper illustrates the impact of the largest international megaproject “one belt and one way” on the dynamics of the language situations, connecting the national languages of Belarus and China into the world language space.

Old Age

2019 ◽  
pp. 173-206
Author(s):  
Nina Macaraig
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Old Age ◽  
City Planning ◽  
Family Relations ◽  
Practical Reasons ◽  
World Fairs ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

This chapter describes how the hamam began to show signs of aging. This included a redefinition of its economic family relations, as it became a burden to the endowment and was rented out according to a practice that approximated the status of renters to that of owners. Furthermore, old age now meant that after a disastrous fire in 1865 novel city planning practices assigned less value to the sixteenth-century structure and allowed the monument to be mutilated for the sake of building a European-style boulevard wide enough for tramway traffic. At the same time, the hamam took on a new identity as an emblem of Ottoman cultural heritage to be displayed at nineteenth-century world fairs and exhibitions which required each nation to represent itself by easily recognizable architectural icons. With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, this split identity continued: on the one hand, hamams constituted an old, redundant institution standing for the Ottoman Empire and lifestyle, resulting in neglect and destruction; on the other hand, they were part of the cultural heritage that every nation-state needs to legitimise itself. Nevertheless, the Çemberlitaş Hamamı managed to survive for practical reasons, as it still provided hygiene and entertainment.

scholarly journals From the history of Serbian question in Macedonia: Culturological aspect

Balcanica ◽  
2002 ◽  
pp. 227-252
Author(s):  
Prvoslav Radic
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
World War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The One

Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.

The referendum on Republika Srpska’s National Day — a political response to the abuse of historical policy

2019 ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Georgi Engelhardt
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
Dayton Agreement ◽  
Banja Luka

The National Day Referendum of September 25, 2016 has so far remained the only successful attempt of the Republika Srpska’s authorities of holding a plebiscite within the republic. Previously, Banja Luka had been forced by strong international pressure to abandon three such attempts - on issues of higher political significance. On the one hand, this shows the absence of immediate political implications of the vote on the status of the National Day; on the other, it demonstrated once again the intense confrontation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ethnic communities in the field of symbols and key historical stereotypes, especially with regards to events from their recent history, namely the Bosnian civil war of 1992–1995. However, the relatively insignificant National Day issue gave the President of the RS, Milorad Dodik a chance to establish a precedent in the history of Bosnia of the Dayton agreement by holding a separate referendum at the level of the republic. Supported by the Western powers, the efforts of the Bosniak leader Bakir Izetbegović to tread on the Bosnian Serbs’ interests in the field of historical policy and symbolics in fact afforded the President of the RS an opportunity to strengthen the autonomy of his republic. Milorad Dodik efficiently used the strong pressure from Sarajevo and the West along with the support from Russia for Bosnian Serb national mobilisation that resulted in massive electoral support — 99 % of 56 % voters that took part in the ballot were in favour of 9 January to be proclaimed the Republika Srpska’s National Day. In spite of the strong outside pressure, Dodik triumphed in carrying out a major political action and establishing a base for Banja Luka’s future independent political ventures. He also demonstrated utmost caution and pragmatism as he exploited further the 25 September Referendum. Although engaging in brinkmanship, he never crossed the red line of escalation into a regional conflict and/or direct Western intervention.

scholarly journals The Russian-speaking population of Latvia in the modern period: correlation of status with local state historical politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-77
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Zverev
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
Local State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socio Economic Status ◽  
Political Status ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
First Time

The article considers the change in the status of the Russian-speaking population of Latvia in conjunction with the local memory policy. In this work, we were able to analyse a significant number of legislative sources of the Republic of Latvia, including in the Latvian language, and to reveal cause-and-effect relationships in decision-making regarding national minorities. Based on the highlighted legislative material (some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time), as well as the works of Latvian authors, we traced changes in the political and socio-economic status of the Russian-speaking population of Latvia during the 1990s - 2000s. We can state that the local state-historical policy is directly related to state integration measures and it was the ideological platform for discriminatory legislation in relation to national minorities. Nevertheless, the Russian-speaking population found itself in unfavourable conditions, a sharply reduced socio-economic and political status, managed to consolidate and adapt to the conditions of independent Latvia, taking its niche in all spheres of social society.

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