scholarly journals Neo-Populist Lawyers in the Russian Revolution (Late 19th – Early 20th Centuries)

Author(s):  
O. L. Protasova ◽  
I. G. Pirozhkova

The paper describes the activity of prominent representatives of the legal corps of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, who were members of the neo-populist parties (Socialist-Revolutionaries and People’s Socialists) and who took an active part in the social and political life of the country in 1905-1917. During the period under review, many young people who started their professional careers as lawyers did not stay away from social reorganization and joined opposition political parties. The socialist worldview, coupled with the modernization processes that objectively began in the country, stimulated the desire of neo-populist lawyers to improve not only legal institutions, but also the entire state system of Russia. Particular attention is paid to a number of the most significant figures from among the populist lawyers, for whom public policy did not overshadow their interest in legal issues. Their philosophy and journalism assesses the state of the Russian state and law of the imperial, revolutionary 1917 and Soviet periods.

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-250
Author(s):  
Maxime Gaborit

Abstract Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned.


Author(s):  
Olga Vasilevna BESKROVNAYA ◽  
Sergey Viktorovich IVANNIKOV ◽  
Sergey Vladimirovich NOVIKOV

The activity of society “Dynamo” in historical and modern aspects in solving the problem of patriotic education of youth as one of the fundamental tasks of the modern Russian state is considered. It is shown that throughout the public organization “Dynamo” history through the active involvement of children to a healthy lifestyle forms the younger generation of an active life position, the desire for physical development, sports achievements for the glory of Russia. The essence of the organization society “Dynamo”, designed along with other tasks to strengthen the physical and spiritual health of Russian citizens of different age groups, using a variety of organizational forms and health-saving technologies is revealed. We show the aspect of coaching work with the younger generation, in which special attention is paid to the patriotic education of young people and teenagers seeking sports achievements. Within the modern structure of the society “Dynamo” the system and quality of sports training in its divisions are analyzed. Traditionally the results are checked in the course of numerous competitions. The importance of Spartakiads and competitions of “Dynamo” society in patriotic education of young people, which encourage the desire for health, strength, beauty, readiness to defend the sports honor of Russia in the athletes, is shown.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


Author(s):  
Kirill Andreevich Cherkess

Youth non-profit organizations are described con-sidering their participation in the modern political life of Russian society and their role in the political socialization of young people. The author raises the problem of formation and development of social elevators in the context of ensuring social mobility of young people, as well as the possibility of access to this tool in modern Russia. As part of the study of youth non-profit organizations, the author gave a charateristics of the organizations operating on a national scale, which have a media reputation, and develop projects focused on the vertical mobility of their participants. Arguments are given in favor of individual and collective social elevators within the framework of youth non-profit organizations. The conclusions presented in the study allow us to eval-uate the activities of youth non-profit organizations as a mechanism for changing the social status of an individual in the stratification structure of society, a channel for vertical social mobility, and prospects for further development of non-profit organizations in this direction.


Author(s):  
José Antonio Pérez Islas ◽  
Luis Antonio Mata Zúñiga

This chapter reviews the institutional actions and discourses linked with public policies affecting young people in Latin America, highlighting three large institutions that have impacted this sector in the region: the army, the justice system, and schools, which view young people as a group at risk who must be helped. Next, the chapter discusses youth within the framework of their interactions and well-being, as part of one of the distinctive aspects of social pedagogy—placing it at the center of public policy. Finally, the chapter discusses the relevance of a dialogue between adults and young people that channels the demands, conflicts, and concerns of both in order to produce new youth policies, starting from the recognition of young people through a generational perspective that must be present in all government actions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 56-61
Author(s):  
Olesya Dzyra

The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.


The relevance of this article is due to the growing role of young people in the political life of Russia and in the transformation of the social, political and economic spheres. Young people are the moving force behind all major processes in any country. Concerning Russia, it should be noted that young people make up a third of the population. The way the problems of Russian youth will be solved will determine the current vitality and future of the country. The practice of the last decades convincingly proves that in the rapidly changing world, those countries that can effectively form and productively use the innovative development potential, the main carrier of which is young people, will have strategic advantages.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 167-177
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova ◽  
Boris V. Mezhuev

The article is devoted to the issue of Russian conservatism and popular representation and analyzes the new historiography of social thought in the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries on the basis of a number of monographs and materials of well-known specialists in late Slavophilism published by the “Russian Idea” internet site over the period of several years. The authors differentiate the protective conservatism (in the spirit of K.P. Pobedonostsev and his work “The Great Lie of Our Time”) that denied the positive role of any representation, and the social conservatism that saw the popular representation in the form of Zemsky Sobor as an integral part of political life and panacea against revolution. The authors prove the thesis that moderate conservative and Slavophiles’ recipes of social and political system modernization, based on the principles of power and society mutual trust, much better suited the goals of Russian state system evolutionary modernization than the reactionary protective conservatism on the one hand, and western liberal parliamentarism, on the other hand.


1961 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-65
Author(s):  
Vishal Singh

The development of the Indonesian party system in the first quarter of this century can be traced to various factors. The defeat of Russia by Japan started a chain of new ideas in Asian minds which finally led to the overthrow of the European powers in Asia. But this event in isolation could not have achieved much. The overthrow of the Manchu Empire in China in 1911 by the Chinese nationalist revolutionaries under the leadership of Sun Yat Sen, created a new national consciousness among the Chinese in Indonesia, and Indonesian nationalism partly owes its origin to reaction against this new-born nationalism among overseas Chinese in Indonesia. Later the First World War and the Russian Revolution of 1917 also left a deep impress on Indonesian political life. Though the Dutch tried to keep Indonesia immune from the new ideas emerging in other parts of the world, they could not succeed in this endeavour. Their failure in attempts of this kind was occasionally seen in periodical political outbursts in various parts of Indonesia. Apart from the new waves of revolutionary ideas from Europe, the Indian national movement under the leadership of Tilak and Gandhi also had a noticeable influence on the growth of the early nationalist movement in Indonesia.


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