scholarly journals THE SPLIT IN THE UKRAINIAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA IN THE 1930s

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-61
Author(s):  
Olesya Dzyra

The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 156-164
Author(s):  
Mohammed Hamdan ◽  
Atheer Zeyada ◽  
Lara A'teeq

This paper examines the father figure in the autobiographies of the Palestinian poet Fadwa Tuqan (1917-2003) and the Israeli novelist Yael Dayan (1939-present). In the early half of the twentieth century, Nablusi women, exemplified by Fadwa, did not have the chance to participate in the political life until the nakba in 1948. Women subsequently became freer and could gain more access to the social and political life which normally monopolized by patriarchs. In the same year, i.e. 1948, Tuqan's father died, so he was not present later to share the success of his daughter. Hence, the picture of the father that Fadwa draws in her autobiography A Mountainous Journey (1990) is mainly bounded to the domestic life. Dayan, unlike Fadwa, was given the infinite freedom to experience life since childhood. Although most Jewish women in the Israeli community obtained the same opportunities at the time, she was more privileged because she was the daughter of the famous Israeli leader Moshe Dayan. In her autobiography My Father, His Daughter (1986), Yael talks extensively about her father's political position and how it affected her life negatively and positively. This paper henceforth sheds light on dominant social and political patriarchal ideologies in the two autobiographies and how they are represented differently, that is: Tuqan's social father and Dayan's political father.


2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-207
Author(s):  
Nadia Fiorino ◽  
Umberto Triacca

Abstract This note attempts to test the relation between the parties that take part in coalition governments and specific spending programs in Italy from 1960 to 1993. In doing so, we: 1) build a voting power index to describe the relative position of political parties in government and 2) analyze the long-term relationship between expenditure by functions and political parties. Data indicate that the Christian Democratic party was the leading party. It adopted long run policies; nevertheless, it did not refer to specific items of public expenditure. T h e three smaller parties (the Liberal, the Republican and the Social Democratic) did not have enough strength to pursue spending programs in the long run. Finally, the analysis shows that the Socialists tried to find a key role in the political framework by swinging from a long-term opposition to the policy formation in the Senate to short-term agreements on spending policies in the Chamber of Deputies.


Author(s):  
O. L. Protasova ◽  
I. G. Pirozhkova

The paper describes the activity of prominent representatives of the legal corps of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, who were members of the neo-populist parties (Socialist-Revolutionaries and People’s Socialists) and who took an active part in the social and political life of the country in 1905-1917. During the period under review, many young people who started their professional careers as lawyers did not stay away from social reorganization and joined opposition political parties. The socialist worldview, coupled with the modernization processes that objectively began in the country, stimulated the desire of neo-populist lawyers to improve not only legal institutions, but also the entire state system of Russia. Particular attention is paid to a number of the most significant figures from among the populist lawyers, for whom public policy did not overshadow their interest in legal issues. Their philosophy and journalism assesses the state of the Russian state and law of the imperial, revolutionary 1917 and Soviet periods.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-597
Author(s):  
Diastama Anggita Ramadhan

AbstractThe diversity of Indonesian people will affect the social condition, including political life and decision. About the general election, Indonesian people who consist of various tribes, culture, and religion, highly depend on the political party to transfer their aspirations. Indonesian political party has a vital role in Indonesian political culture.  Hence, there are so many political parties in Indonesia because of the number of its citizens. The multi-party mechanism becomes much more important, considering Indonesia's social and geographical conditions. In the context of simplifies the number of the political party in Indonesia, this process will damage the diversity of the people. This article is using normative research method. Later on the discussion, this article will discuss the simplifying process of the political party in Indonesia. Furthermore, it will also examine the impact of the political party simplification on the Unity of the nation. Keywords: General Election; Simplification; Political Party; Unity  AbstrakKeberagaman masyarakat Indonesia merupakan salah satu kelebihan bangsa. Keberagaman masyarakat tersebut kemudian akan mempengaruhi kondisi sosial masyarakat termasuk juga dalam hal politik. Terkait dengan pelaksanaan pemilihan umum, masyarakat yang terdiri dari berbagai suku budaya dan agama ini membawa konsekuensi banyaknya aspirasi masyarakat yang antara satu dengan yang lain membawa kepentingan yang berbeda. Partai politik sebagai salah satu kanal aspirasi masyarakat mempunyai peran yang sangat vital. Mekanisme multipartai di Indonesia menjadi suatu keharusan dengan melihan kondisi sosial dan geografis Indonesia. Dalam konteks penyederhanaan partai politik, proses penyederhanaan kemudian akan merusak tatanan keberagaman tersebut. Penulisan hukum ini menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Pada bagian pembahasan penulis akan melakukan kajian terhadap proses penyederhaan partai politik yang pernah terjadi serta mengkaji bagaimana penyederhanaan jumlah partai politik ini dapat menyebabkan terjadinya disintegrasi bangsa. Kata Kunci: Pemilu, Penyederhanaan, Partai Politik, Persatuan


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 769-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estella Tincknell

The extensive commercial success of two well-made popular television drama serials screened in the UK at prime time on Sunday evenings during the winter of 2011–12, Downton Abbey (ITV, 2010–) and Call the Midwife (BBC, 2012–), has appeared to consolidate the recent resurgence of the period drama during the 1990s and 2000s, as well as reassembling something like a mass audience for woman-centred realist narratives at a time when the fracturing and disassembling of such audiences seemed axiomatic. While ostensibly different in content, style and focus, the two programmes share a number of distinctive features, including a range of mature female characters who are sufficiently well drawn and socially diverse as to offer a profoundly pleasurable experience for the female viewer seeking representations of aging femininity that go beyond the sexualised body of the ‘successful ager’. Equally importantly, these two programmes present compelling examples of the ‘conjunctural text’, which appears at a moment of intense political polarisation, marking struggles over consent to a contemporary political position by re-presenting the past. Because both programmes foreground older women as crucial figures in their respective communities, but offer very different versions of the social role and ideological positioning that this entails, the underlying politics of such nostalgia becomes apparent. A critical analysis of these two versions of Britain's past thus highlights the ideological investments involved in period drama and the extent to which this ‘cosy’ genre may legitimate or challenge contemporary political claims.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.


Author(s):  
Ruqaya Saeed Khalkhal

The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece.        Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document