scholarly journals ‘GRAND STRATEGIES’, MILITARY AND POLITICAL DOCTRINES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: TRENDS OF EVOLUTION AFTER THE END OF THE COLD WAR. LESSONS FOR UKRAINE

Author(s):  
Valentyn Petrov

The conceptual and practical aspects of security policy of the USA in terms of their reflection in the ‘Grand Strategy’, military and political-military doctrines are analyzed. The hierarchy of strategic documents that determine US security and defense policy, together with the approaches towards their development in the context of the domestic policy, global trends and forecasts, are examined. The mechanism of working out various national level strategies and doctrines in the USA can be studied as an example. This world superpower has a definitely clear set of relevant documents. First of all, we are talking about the so-called Grand strategies & High strategies that can be determined as a specific component of the political and defense planning in the US. At the current moment, any other country can hardly challenge the US Power. That is why the American ‘Grand Strategy’ is not only a strategy of the national security, but also a leverage partly influencing the international, global, Euro-Atlantic, Asia-Pacific, etc. security. Taking into account above-mentioned possible implementation of the US experience in Ukraine’s defense planning in respect to actual threats and challenges to national security is studied.

Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy

The article deals with the policy of the United States of America, Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation in the Asia-Pacific Region. Leadership ambitions of the countries became evident in political, economic, military, technological and space spheres especially over the last few years. The purpose of the article is to analyze American-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relationships in the Asia-Pacific and identify reasons for their foreign policy course. Both countries, China and the USA are eager to play leader’s part in the regional politics. The relationships between the PRC and the United States significantly deteriorated, especially during D. Trump presidency. The author draws attention to the US policy and its attempts to strengthen its own positions in the region as well as to China’s economic activity reflected in transport projects, for instance – One Belt, One Road initiative, perceived by Washington as a challenge to its leader’s position. Tensions between two countries increased due to aggressive regional policy of China which claimed sovereignty over few small islands in the South China Sea. Beijing and Washington compete for leadership in the sphere of technology where China is ahead of the USA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-213
Author(s):  
Dragan Simic ◽  
Dragan Zivojinovic

The paper deals with the foreign and security policy of the United States of America during the first hundred days of the Biden administration. Ever since Franklin Delano Roosevelt?s first term, the presidential performance at the beginning of the administration has been measured by the first hundred days of a president?s term. The most important intentions about what is to be achieved, the selection of the team, key appointments, and the establishment of the National Security Council System, the most important speeches, and concrete moves towards regional and functional issues, say a lot about what the foreign and security policy of an administration will look like. President Joe Biden is no exception. Moreover, his insistence that the circumstances in which the United States finds itself are a truly ?Rooseveltian moment? contributed to the first hundred days of his administration being monitored with special attention. The authors start from the hypothesis that Biden, owing to his experience in government and a good reading of the circumstances in which America and the world find themselves, established a good and functional national security system as well as a clear list of foreign policy priorities. He, like Franklin Delano Roosevelt, found the appropriate balance between values and interests, means and goals, pragmatism and principle. The authors conclude that, although the first steps are promising, it remains to be seen whether Biden will reach the highest standards set by his famous predecessor, especially in the face of some unforeseen and unexpected events.


Author(s):  
A. Savel'ev

The article focuses on the main aspects of the US rebalancing towards Asia Pacific which was declared by President Obama in November 2011. The examination of numerous US official and non-official documents shows that practically all US activities in this direction are connected with rapid economic and military growth of China. The United States are mostly concerned about Chinese attempts to transfer its economic strength into political influence and military strength which expand fare beyond the present frontiers. A number of examples of Chinese “unacceptable behavior” are given, such as: aggressive way of resolving its maritime disputes with neighbors; rejection of multilateral approach to such problems; China’s “cyber-activities” in the field of large scale cyber-espionage; military modernization aimed to limit the US free access to the region; the development of advanced short- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, counter-space weapons and military cyberspace capabilities. The article also analyses the main implementation stages of this new American policy, and the role of the US Congress in formulating it. The positions of different US Agencies are also under consideration, including the position of the US Treasury, State Department and Defense Department. The author comes to a conclusion that a number of serious limitations and difficulties exist on the way of the US security interests promotion into the region. As for the position of Russian Federation, it is suggested that Russia can become one of important participants in resolution of security problems in the region. At the same time possible benefits may be gained if Russia managed to preserve the “equal distance” from the main players in the region – China and the US. But if the situation demands to make a clear choice, Russia will most probably take the Chinese side, regarding the present state of the US-Russian relations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 139-144
Author(s):  
S. STEZHKO ◽  
T. SHEVCHENKO

The content and key aspects of the US Cyber Security Strategy are considered. The principles of the state cyber security policy of the USA are defined. Typical threats to the United States in cyberspace are outlined. The state priorities for strengthening the components of cyber defense in the United States are summarized. The issue of financing cyber security in the United States in 2021 is detailed. The principles of joint activities of American-Ukrainian relations in the field of cyber security are specified. The list of measures implemented in the United States to strengthen the state's capabilities in the field of cyber security has been identified.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Jaganath Sankaran

Abstract The contention over the quantity and quality of regional missile defenses forward-deployed by the United States in the Asia-Pacific region animates much of the US–China disagreement about strategic stability. The Chinese argue that the deployed assets exceed reasonable defensive requirements and suggest that if these missile-defense deployments continue, they will be forced to increase the size of their nuclear arsenal. In disagreement, the United States claims that regional missile defenses are defensive by design, limited in scope, and necessary to defeat a North Korean missile campaign. In this article, a series of simulation experiments were developed to empirically test these opposing arguments over missile defenses and strategic stability. The simulations indicate that current deployments are necessary for defense and proportional to the threat. The analysis also argues that current deployments do not possess the ability to alter the US–China strategic nuclear balance significantly. The article concludes with a discussion of other subjective aspects of national security that may explain Chinese concerns and explore possible ways to reassure China.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.D.P. Envall

Japan has been a strong supporter of America’s ‘pivot’, or ‘rebalance’, to the Asia-Pacific. Why has it responded in such a way? Japan’s established position in the region naturally makes it a keen supporter of the status quo and thus of the US-led order. Yet this does not fully explain Japan’s support. This article contends that to understand Japan’s position, it is necessary to more closely consider how Japan views the rebalance’s probable strategic benefits and costs. In fact, increasingly difficult Sino-Japanese relations have led Japan to reassess such costs and benefits, with Japan becoming more anxious to ensure that the United States continues to provide strategic reassurance to the region, even if this means that Japan is required to restructure its own security role in return. In turn, Japan’s security restructuring has important implications not only for its national security but also for wider regional stability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agung Yudhistira Nugroho ◽  
Wіntа Br Pаndіа

ABSTRACT            The statement of nUnited States President Donald Trump "You Say Asia-Pacific, I Say Indo-Pacific" suggests for changes in the geopolitical concentration of the United States in Asia to increase influence in the region. The progressive steps taken by America are contained in the concept of "free open Indo-Pacific" which involves several countries in Asia as the US grand strategy. The presence of the United States alliance or the designation in the Indo-Pacific, namely The Quad emphasized the seriousness of the United States in working on the Indo-Pacific concept. The Indo-Pacific which is promoted by the United States aims to stem the influence of China domination after the United States' exit in the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) cooperation forum. America needs a new 'container' to be able to increase its influence in the Asian region and the Indo-Pacific concept is the answer. The Indo-Pacific United States which promotes cooperation and investment is prepared as the main strategy using the concepts of geopolitics and geoeconomics. The United States in the Indo-Pacific again reaffirmed the existence of hegemonic power coupled with moving the quad as an additional strength of the United States in the region. Opportunities and challenges will be faced by the United States in implementing this strategy, as well as countries that are members of the quad, it cannot be denied that the interests to be achieved in the future will be different. In addition to the anarchic international system, there is the term that there is no "eternal friend", but eternal importance. Keywords: Indo-Pacific, Strategy, United States, Hegemony, Investment, Cooperation AbstrakPernyataan Presiden Amerika Serikat Donald Trump “You Say Asia-Pasifik, I Say Indo-Pacific” mengisyaratkan bagi perubahan konsentrasi geopolitik Amerika Serikat di Asia untuk meningkatkan pengaruh di kawasan. Langkah progesif yang ditempuh Amerika tertuang dalam konsep “free open Indo-Pacific” yang melibatkan beberapa negara di Asia sebagai grand strategy AS. Hadirnya negara aliansi Amerika Serikat atau sebutan dalam Indo-Pasifik, yaitu The Quad menegaskan keseriusan Amerika Serikat dalam menggarap konsep Indo-Pasifik. Indo-Pasifik yang diusung oleh Amerika Serikat bertujuan untuk membendung pengaruh dominasi Tiongkok setelah keluarnya Amerika Serikat dalam forum kerja sama Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). Amerika membutuhkan ‘wadah’ baru untuk dapat kembali meningkatkan pengaruhnya di kawasan Asia dan konsep Indo-Pasifik adalah jawabannya. Indo-Pasifik Amerika Serikat yang mengedepankan kerja sama dan investasi disusun sebagai strategi utama dengan menggunakan konsep geopolitik dan geoekonomi. Amerika Serikat dalam Indo-Pasifik kembali  menegaskan eksistensi sebagai kekuatan hegemon dibarengi dengan menggerakkan the quad sebagai kekuatan tambahan Amerika Serikat di kawasan. Peluang dan tantangan akan banyak dihadapi oleh Amerika Serikat dalam melaksanakan strategi tersebut, seperti halnya negara-negara yang tergabung dalam the quad, tidak dapat dibantah bahwasanya kepentingan yang ingin dicapai kedepannya akan berbeda. Di tambah dalam sistem internasional yang anarki ada istilah tidak ada “teman abadi”, melainkan kepentingan selamanya yang abadi. Kata Kunci: Indo-Pasifik, Strategi, Amerika Serikat, Hegemoni, Investasi, Kerja sama 


Author(s):  
Goncharenko A.V.

The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 429-468
Author(s):  
Andre Luiz Varella Neves

The aim of this article is to test the hypothesis that Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman’s geopolitical theories, which sustained the grand strategy of the United States with the implementation of 1946 Truman Doctrine, are still relevant today after their termination. The results indicate that the intellectual matrixes were found in documents of the grand strategy of the United States in two moments. First, in 1992, in the George Herbert Walker Bush’s government’s Defense Planning Guidance document, formulated by the Pentagon, in February 1992. Second, they were found replicated 10 years after in the first term of President George Walker Bush, inaugurated in 2001. In the latter, the theoretical formulations repercussions were depicted in the official documents Quadrennial Defense Review (2001) and the National Security Strategy (2002). The article concluded that the authors’ ideas remain valid to explain and interpret the actions of the United States’ grand strategy in the international scenario.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document