scholarly journals Suggestive potential of political speeches of state leaders

Author(s):  
Olena Snytko

The paper examines the suggestive potential of political speeches of state leaders. The author argues that the greatest political addresses given at turning points in history demonstrate a programming effect and, consequently, are intended as texts with suggestive features. The current study proves that rhythm is the essential feature of a suggestive text. The rhythm is a complex phenomenon built on the balanced alternation or repetition of certain elements (formal and semantic). The distinctive rhythm for political address is established via lexical and, broader, semantic repetition of key verbal elements carrying dominant meanings which comprise two opposite functional textual groups via grammatical (morphological and syntactic) patterns or parallelism, accompanied by phonetic repetition. Such repetition serves the communicative-pragmatic purpose of the suggestor, namely, to consolidate the dominant meanings. The results of this study indicate that emotiogenic attributes (or qualifiers) aimed at emotional "charging" of the target audience are the primary means of suggestion. The texts of political speeches contain the elements of solemn rhetoric and pathetic appeal to the sacred forces. Political addresses of state leaders provide a strong impetus for creating meaningful public narratives favouring one or another political course of society. Furthermore, an informative political speech, which employs suggestive techniques, serves as a potent tool to exercise power over the target audience and as a means to shape public opinion and influence the mood in society. Finally, the political leader plays the role of an authoritative communicator who organizes, structures the individual's picture of the world, helps to resist communicative warfare and gives people a sense of order in a life of chaos.

Author(s):  
Karen Piepenbrink

Chapter 5 examines the role of public opinion in Athenian debates in philosophical circles, especially in arenas such as public assemblies and law courts. It begins with a discussion of the dêmos’ attitudes and positions that occur in speeches, particularly in the political speeches and the prosecution and defence speeches from public trials. More specifically, it considers the attitudes of the dêmos towards the social and political elite as well as its positions on day-to-day politics. It then analyses the competition between orators in political debates that are held in public assemblies and in the law courts. It shows that orators refer back to alleged views of the people in order to communicate their own suggestions or petitions successfully even as they attempt to discredit their opponents, but at the same time distancing themselves from the dêmos and representing the interests of individuals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110026
Author(s):  
Kurt Weyland

Responding to Rueda’s questions, this essay explains the political-strategic approach (PSA) to populism and highlights its analytical strengths, which have become even more important with the emergence of populist governments across the world. PSA identifies populism’s core by emphasizing the central role of personalistic leaders who tend to operate in opportunistic ways, rather than consistently pursuing programmatic or ideological orientations. PSA is especially useful nowadays, when scholars’ most urgent task is to elucidate the political strategies of populist chief executives and their problematic repercussions, especially populism’s threat to democracy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2021 ◽  

Historians of political thought and international lawyers have both expanded their interest in the formation of the present global order. History, Politics, Law is the first express encounter between the two disciplines, juxtaposing their perspectives on questions of method and substance. The essays throw light on their approaches to the role of politics and the political in the history of the world beyond the single polity. They discuss the contrast between practice and theory as well as the role of conceptual and contextual analyses in both fields. Specific themes raised for both disciplines include statehood, empires and the role of international institutions, as well as the roles of economics, innovation and gender. The result is a vibrant cross-section of contrasts and parallels between the methods and practices of the two disciplines, demonstrating the many ways in which both can learn from each other.


PMLA ◽  
1926 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-487
Author(s):  
Frederic D. Cheydleur

During the last two and a half years France has lost three great writers, Pierre Loti, Anatole France, and Maurice Barrès. Loti, because of his impressionistic novels of the most artistic kind which record his tireless quest of sensations in all countries of the world, France, because of his epicurean philosophy and Voltairean wit expressed in two-score works of the most finished style, and Barrès, because of his triple rôle of author, politician, and leader of traditionalism in France,—all three have left a profound influence on the contemporary literature of their country. Of these three, Barrès, in spite of the conceit of his early egotism, the narrowness of his nationalism, and the occasional arrogance of his confidence in the superiority of French culture, is by far the most highly endowed and representative; and on this account his work will receive more and more attention from serious students of the political, social, and literary movements of the last thirty years in France. He was one of the first to make his voice heard against the extreme naturalism of Zola and his school; he founded a group of enthusiastic young writers striving toward a new order of things; and, after a period of hesitation, he stood forth as the champion of the best traditions of his country. The purpose of this paper is not, however, to make a comparative study of the relative greatness of these three writers, but rather to trace the struggle between the classical and romantic elements in Barrès' composition, and to show that the latter were not only predominant in his first writings but continued to the end of his life as a strong undercurrent in his novels and books of travel.


10.33287/1195 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Ю. І. Коломоєць

Russian political emigration from the beginning of its birth in the first half of the nineteenth century was constantly in search of forms and methods of struggle with royal power in the homeland. Detachment from Russia, the feeling of isolation that was inherent in emigration to the early twentieth century, were an important factor in the ongoing conflicts that took place in its environment. We note the conflicts between the «old» and the «young» emigration in the late 1860’s, between the Marxists and the populists of the 1880’s, between the revolutionary Marxists and the «economists» at the end of the 1890’s. All of these, as a rule, were due to excessive the ambitions of some leaders, the attempt to become the «rulers of ideas» for revolutionary youth, due to significant financial problems. In the list of these and similar conflicts there are events of 1870, when in the environment of political emigration there are two serious confrontations between the leader of anarchists M. Bakunin on the one hand and S. Nechaev or «Russian section of the First International» - on the other. These conflicts significantly influenced the situation in emigration, disorganized it, weakened the ability to fight the tsarist regime. They were accompanied by sharp accusations, searches for compromising materials, attempts to get support from leaders of the world revolutionary movement. The ambitions of young revolutionaries such as S. Nechaev or M. Utin were also connected with the attempt to take the main place among the emigrants, moving to the background of former leaders M. Bakunin, M. Ogarev, P. Lavrov. All this led to split in emigrant colonies, which consisted mainly of student youth. Violent discussions, accusations, boycotts became a hallmark of emigrant life. Basically, all these events took place in Switzerland, which at that time already became the center of not only Russian, but also international political emigration. Conflicts were directed at the political annihilation of the opponents, which subsequently resulted in the arrest and extradition to the Russian government of S. Nechaev in 1872, the cessation of the activities of the Russian Section of the First International and the return of M. Utin to Russia and the cessation of revolutionary activity in general. The positive side of these conflicts was the rallying of emigrants around their leaders, better information on the state of affairs in their environment, the development of new forms and methods of interaction and the strengthening of the role of revolutionaries from Russia itself.


ISLAMIKA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
M. Asep Rahmatullah ◽  
Siti Munawati ◽  
Sugih Suryagalih

Abstarct The Political Direction of Islamic Education In the 21st century, history has noted that Islamic education in Indonesia has taken root since the entry of Islam into the archipelago, that Islamic education is perfectly upright and perfect is inseparable from the role of the sultans, scholars, and Muslims continues to try to carry out the study of science majors , discussion, writing in the context of jihad fi sabillilah tafaqohu fiddien for the glory of Islam. It is also supported by Islamic political policies that are very beneficial for the interests of the world of Islamic education. Since the destruction of the Caliphate of the Ottoman Turkish Islamic government and the destruction of the Islamic kingdoms in Indonesia and the world. Then the condition of Islamic education experienced ups and downs and the lack of support from the Indonesian government. Therefore, after Indonesia's independence and the increasingly open world of globalization and modernization, it is necessary to look for ideas and ideal forms that are integrally holistic for the world of Islamic education. As well as being able to influence the policies of the Indonesian government and master the political policies of 21st century Islamic education for the future of Indonesian Muslims.Abstark Arah Politik Pendidikan Islam Abad ke 21, sejarah telah mencatat bahwa pendidikan Islam di Indonesia telah mengakar dari sejak masuknya Islam ke nusantara, pendidikan Islam tegak secara sempurna dan paripurna tidak lepas dari peranan para sultan, ulama, dan kaum muslimin yang terus berupaya melakukan kajian majlis ilmu, diskusi, menulis serta aktif dalam gerakan dakwah dan jihad fi sabillilah untuk kejayaan islam. Setelah menancapkan kekuasaan Islam, maka sistem pendidikan islam di topang oleh kebijakan politik Islam yang sangat menguntungkan bagi kepentingan dunia pendidikan Islam. Sejak kehancuran kekhalifahan pemerintahan Islam turki utsmani dan kehancuran kerajan-kerajaan Islam di Indonesia dan dunia. Maka kondisi pendidikan Islam mengalami pasang surut kemunduran dan kurangnya dukungan pemerintah Indonesia. Oleh karena itu, setelah Indonesia merdeka dan semakin terbukanya dunia globalisasi dan modernisasi, maka perlu mencari ide, dan format yang ideal secara integralistik holistik untuk dunia pendidikan Islam. Serta dapat mempengaruhi kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia dan menguasai kebijakan politik pendidikan Islam abad ke 21 untuk masa depan umat Islam bangsa Indonesia.


Author(s):  
I. V. Ushchapovska ◽  
R. Ye. Podvalna

The article actualizes the study of websites as a means to promoting cities around the world and highlights the main structural and semantic characteristics of advertising sites hosted on Internet platforms. The pragmatic role of a lexical unit of advertising texts is investigated. The concepts of website and advertising text are defined, the main ways of information transfer through advertising text were described. Definitions of the concepts such as advertising, advertising text, strategy, website, and related concepts are provided. After researching the selected advertising texts, the structural and semantic characteristics of advertising on websites, and the main ways of transmitting information, such as verb sentences, simple nominative sentences, and elliptical sentences are analyzed. The pragmatic means of advertising campaigns on websites includes constructions, such as Top + Numeral, Must + V., Let + Inf, and so on. Examples of pragmatic websites are also considered. Samples and purposes of using this approach are given. There are various strategies for advertising and promoting cities and countries around the world on Internet platforms. The most popular and effective are the use of different language techniques (motivational, interrogative, negative sentences) and the strategy of the association. The advertising text is noted to embody a communicative and pragmatic guideline. In the advertising message, there is a presentation of the goods to the target audience. Thus, the main load is the language code, which is aimed at a special category of people. A small number of works on this topic indicate the need for a more detailed study of the issue.


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