scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación y control social en dos sociedades coloniales: Filipinas y Vietnam en perspectiva comparadaPolitical representation and social control mechanisms in two colonial societies: the Spanish Philippines and French Indochina in comparative perspective

Author(s):  
Juan Antonio Inarejos Muñoz

RESUMENEn este artículo se plantea un análisis comparativo de los mecanismos de representación política y control social implantados en dos sociedades coloniales: las Filipinas españolas y la Indochina francesa. Este tema forma parte de una investigación más amplia centrada en la selección de las élites locales filipinas durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y los proyectos de reforma de los sistemas de representación local vietnamita bajo dominio colonial francés. Se trazan en clave comparativa las principales similitudes y diferencias con los mecanismos de representación y control social desplegados en ambos escenarios, aspectos claves a la hora de comprender las razones que determinaron el final de ambas experiencias coloniales en el sudeste asiático.PALABRAS CLAVE: Filipinas, Indochina, colonialismo, elecciones locales, podermunicipal.ABSTRACTThis study presents a comparative analysis of the political representation and socialcontrol implemented in two colonial societies: the Spanish Philippines and French Indochina. This topic is part of a broader study focused on the selection of the native elite in the Spanish Philippines in the nineteenth century and on the projects to reform local representation in French Indochina. The main similarities and differences in the representation and social control mechanisms in both scenarios are described as they are key aspects when it comes to understanding the end of these two colonial experiences in South East Asia. This diverse tool kit included the political use of productive resources, individual conduct reports, the development of clientelist networks, the manipulation of religious beliefs, abuse and repression.KEY WORDS: Philippines, Indochina, colonialism, municipal elections, local power.

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-30
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ribechini

The Italian local election held in spring 2014 resulted in a surprising political landscape. In particular, in the Umbrian town of Perugia, where for the first time in history, the centre-left coalition has lost the political leadership of the city, after having administered for almost seventy years after the end of World War II. In Umbrian capital in fact the mayoral candidate of the Democratic Party was defeated after the second round by the candidate of the centre-right coalition. This article tries to shed lights on the reasons behind this political change. More specifically, the article looks at the electoral results of 2014, 2009 and 2004; moreover, it is based on interviews to politicians and observers. After this analysis, a comparison with the case of the 2014 municipal elections of Livorno will be provided. As a conclusion, the article tries to understand if the political changes experienced by both Perugia and Livorno can be a signal of a big transformation of local power and if they can also be extended to other territories.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Tony Carrizales

The editorial cartoon has been a part of American culture since the beginning of the nation’s founding. The following review of editorial cartoons takes a specific look at public servants who are not in the political spotlight, such as teachers, police, fire and postal service men and women. Through a review of editorial cartoons from 1999-2003, it becomes apparent that there are positive images of public servants amid the numerous negative ones published daily. The selection of cartoons, most notably those following the attacks of September 11, 2001, highlights that heroism and service can be transcended through cartoons as with any other form of art.


Author(s):  
Paul Brooker ◽  
Margaret Hayward

The Conclusion points out that the preceding seven chapters’ examples and case studies have revealed some expected, and some unexpected conclusions. The six main cases revealed some expected uniformity in the leaders’ selection of rational methods. There was less uniformity, however, in the choice of the methods they emphasized, whether due to their personal preferences or to the circumstances they were facing. Two unexpected findings were the addition of a seventh appropriate rational method—learning—and the prevalence of dual-leadership teams. The conclusion goes on to suggest that this book’s theory and approach should be applied to versions of military leadership and to the political leadership of contemporary democracies.


2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 1057-1078 ◽  
Author(s):  
METTE HALSKOV HANSEN

AbstractThis article argues that villagers' weakened trust in local governments has caused the officials to develop new strategies to cooperate with people and groups who enjoy traditional forms of authority. More specifically, the article shows how the officially established Old People' Associations in some areas have gained political influence far beyond what their official status as an “NGO” (minjian zuzhzi) would warrant. Villages of Fujian have a long history of being organised around patrilinear lineage organisations, and especially the older men still enjoys authority among the population. Local authorities, as well as business people, are therefore actively trying to engage and mobilise this traditional senior authority for their own political and economic purposes, thereby creating new relations of local power.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES ADAMS ◽  
MICHAEL CLARK ◽  
LAWRENCE EZROW ◽  
GARRETT GLASGOW

Previous research explains the evolution of parties' ideological positions in terms of decision rules that stress the uncertainty of the political environment. The authors extend this research by examining whether parties adjust their ideologies in response to two possible influences: shifts in public opinion, and past election results. Their empirical analyses, which are based on the Comparative Manifesto Project's codings of parties' post-war programmes in eight West European nations, suggest that parties respond to shifts in public opinion, but that these effects are only significant in situations where public opinion is clearly shifting away from the party's policy positions. By contrast, no evidence is found here that parties adjust their ideologies in response to past election results. These findings have important implications for parties' election strategies and for models of political representation.


Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-173
Author(s):  
André Philipart

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard van der Wurff

Climate change as a challenge for journalism: a review of the literature Climate change as a challenge for journalism: a review of the literature This literature review synthesizes 35 years of research on climate change reporting in industrialized countries. It focuses on the production and content of climate change news. Starting from the notion of the mediatisation of politics, the study shows that news values and media logic shape the selection of climate change related newsworthy events, while political actors and their logics determine the political framing of the issue. Next, implications for public opinion and mediated public debate are briefly assessed. Overall, the findings suggest that reporting focuses on threats and conflicts, favours national rather than transnational angles, reinforces ideological cleavages, downplays deliberative arguments, and disengages citizens. In conclusion, four lines of research are proposed that can help us better understand the role media might play in engaging citizens in a more deliberative mediated debate on climate change as important ecological and political challenge.


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