scholarly journals Islamic fundamentalism, nation- state and global citizenship: the case of Hizb ut-Tahrir

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Asep Muhammad Iqbal ◽  
Zulkifli Zulkifli

Contrary to common understanding among observers, this essay argues that Islamic fundamentalism is not anti-globalization movement, but rather as parts, participants, and interpreters of globalization. Focusing on the case of Hizb ut-Tahrir, it shows that regardless of its utopian nature of the ideology it pro- motes, Islamic fundamentalism is a globalizing force that constitutes a return of old world religions to modern society, which is characterised by its rejec- tion of the validity of nation-states and vision of a global citizenship through the establishment of Islamic Caliphate as a single global community of believ- ers (ummah) with its universalistic rules and laws within contemporary Mus- lim world. Berbeda dari pandangan yang sejauh ini banyak dikemukakan oleh para pengamat, tulisan ini berargumen bahwa fundamentalisme Islam bukan merupakan gerakan anti-globalisasi, melainkan justru sebagai bagian, partisipan dan penafsir fenomena globalisasi. Dengan memfokuskan analisisnya pada kasus Hizb ut-Tahrir, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa terlepas dari sifat utopian ideologi yang diusungnya, gerakan fundamentalisme Islam tidak diragukan lagi merupakan sebuah kekuatan globalisasi yang mewakili kembalinya agama besar dunia ke masyarakat modern, yang bercirikan penolakan atas validitas negara- bangsa dan visi kewarganegaraan global melalui pembentukan komunitas glo- bal umat Islam dalam bentuk khilafah Islam dengan aturan dan hukum universalnya dalam dunia Islam kontemporer.

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul Pertierra

AbstractThe self-understanding of a national community as a culturally homogeneous and spatiotemporally delimited entity provided the model for a distinct sphere of the social. It was this new understanding of the social as a theoretical category that made sociology possible. The modern nation-state and sociology are intimately linked. But even as social science requires the resources of the nation-state, it is equally dependent on a vigorous civil culture distinct from the state. Society is the ultimate source for the state's legitimacy. Society arises out of an association of which the nation-state, however important, is but one expression.Technological and economic development is now often used as justifications for the nation-state. But in the present global context, the nation-state is no longer the primary source for knowledge or investment, at least for countries such as the Philippines. The boundaries between nation-states have become porous as center and periphery are increasingly intertwined. Under these conditions, identities no longer represent cores but rather intersections of experience.No longer grounded in a local routine of everyday life with its corresponding set of collective images, culture increasingly becomes merely representation or the domain of signifying practices rather than the arena of practical significations. Under these conditions, where culture is not necessarily collectively shared but only synchronically networked, it becomes almost a personal quest rather than a communal affair. The expression of such a diasporal and subjective identity is manifested in the rise of new forms of ethnicities. In these contexts, culture can be visualized as landscapes and experienced as representations.Cartesian space-time assumes the homogeneous nature of extension/duration, such that any point in the system of coordinates can be expressed as a value of a given function. For modernity, the social can be plotted or imagined as one such function, all of whose members are linked to one another spatio-temporally. A nation-state is a collectivity whose functional representation assumes that all its members share a simultaneous present, and hence, a commonly anticipated future. Any point on this set of spatio-temporal coordinates is functionally linked to other points through membership in a common order called the nation-state.Nation-states see themselves as culturally homogeneous to facilitate the rational negotiation of difference. This view of culture is possible (but not necessary) because modernity is based on a sense of simultaneous presentness generating a commonly anticipated future. Modern society is an association of individuals functionally coordinating their actions to this simultaneous present. However, globality is making other presents possible, resulting in a world with an excess of meaning but a lack of sense.A feature of modernity is the crucial role of knowledge for the expression, maintenance and reproduction of power. While knowledge represents a form of power in all societies, certain modes of power can only be expressed through their relationship with knowledge. Hence, the functionalization of society is a pre-condition for power to be exercised through its control of knowledge. Power requires new forms of knowledge, such as social science, for its effectiveness in modern society. A critical social science is necessary to counterbalance modern society's functional goals if social science is also to play an emancipatory role.he indigenization of social science is an attempt to formalize this distinct perspective but its insistence on unproblematically using the nation as its referent limits its usefulness. In the present condition, the nation-state is no longer the primary site for knowledge-production or identity-formation. These practices now involve personal, local, global and other choices, following their increasingly polyvalent nature. In its attempts to imagine the nation through indigenous concepts, a Philippine social science risks essentializing Filipinohood by reducing its differences. Instead, a Philippine social science should explore the rich sources of difference within civil and global society, as well as point out the contingent and narrow interests of nation-states, thereby helping to establish a universal basis for understanding. This understanding sees social science as part of the human quest for emancipation.


1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-570
Author(s):  
Glenn E. Perry

Professor Amin, who teaches international relations at Quaid-i-AzamUniversity in Islamabad, has provided us with a short but insightfulanalysis of twentieth-century writings from the Liberal, Marxist, andIslamic traditions on the issue of "nationalism versus internationalism."Pointing out that Western writings treat the "nation-state" as "a universalform," he presents two main arguments: a) nationalism emerged from"Western liberal culture" and is now "seriously challenged by a varietyof communitarian internationalisms," of which Islamic revivalism is themost important in the Islamic world (p. 5), and b) Islamic revivalismoftenmisunderstood as being a backward-looking "fundamentalism" -is"a reaction against Liberal and Marxist internationalism which are seenas the two imperialist ideologies of the West" (p. 6).Amin briefly states the essence of the three traditions-the Liberalbelief in nationalism as natural, with "world unity [envisaged as emerging]through the prism of nation-states" (p. 7); the Marxist goal of a "classlessworld society" (p. 7); and the Islamic idea of all "believers . . . belong [ing] to one global community, the ummah" (p. 10). Insisting that thedialogue among the three trends is facilitated by understanding all of them"from within and through their main spokesmen" (p. 10), he proceeds witha chapter on the representative literature of each. Each chapter is dividedinto three sections: traditional writers, modernization theorists, and postmodernizationtheorists.Perhaps reflecting the author's Western education, the book's longestchapter is the one on Liberalism. He begins with Toynbee, whom hedescribes as "an internationalist par excellence in the Western communitariantradition" (p. 13). Three other Liberal writers are categorized as"traditional"-E. H. Carr, Hans Kohn, and Carleton Hayes. Under the designationof modernization theorists, Amin deals with Karl Deutsch andErnest Gellner, while the section on post-modernization theorists looksmainly at Walker Conner and A. D. Smith.In the chapter on Marxism, Amin analyzes Marx and Engels as "traditionalwriters." Lenin is classified as a "modernization theorist," while ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 5582
Author(s):  
Daniele Conversi

This article argues that we need to look at living examples provided by non-state communities in various regions of the world that are, perhaps unwittingly, contributing to the maintenance of the Earth’s optimal thermal balance. These fully sustainable communities have been living outside the mainstream for centuries, even millennia, providing examples in the global struggle against the degradation of social–ecological systems. They have all, to varying degrees, embraced simple forms of living that make them ‘exemplary ethical communities’ (EECs)—human communities with a track record of sustainability related to forms of traditional knowledge and the capacity to survive outside the capitalist market and nation-state system. The article proceeds in three steps: First, it condenses a large body of research on the limits of the existing nation-state system and its accompanying ideology, nationalism, identifying this institutional–ideological complex as the major obstacle to tackling climate change. Second, alternative social formations that could offer viable micro-level and micro-scale alternatives are suggested. These are unlikely to identify with existing nation-states as they often form distinct types of social communities. Taking examples from hunter-gatherer societies and simple-living religious groups, it is shown how the protection and maintenance of these EECs could become the keystone in the struggle for survival of humankind and other forms of life. Finally, further investigation is called for, into how researchers can come forward with more examples of actually existing communities that might provide pathways to sustainability and resistance to the looming global environmental catastrophe.


Exchange ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 360-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abamfo Atiemo

AbstractA revolutionary development that resulted from Africa's experience of colonialism was the emergence of the nation-state made up of previously separate ethnic states. By the end of the colonial period the rulers of these ethnic states — the chiefs — had lost most of their real political and judicial powers to the political leaders of the new nation-states. But in spite of the loss of effective political power the chiefs continued to wield moral influence over members of their ethnic groups. The limited reach of the nation-state in the post-colonial era has also meant a dependence on the chiefs, in many cases, for aspects of local governance. This, for example, is the case of Ghana. However, in the modern context of religious pluralism the intimate bond between the chiefs and the traditional religion exacerbates tension in situations of conflict between people's loyalty to the traditional state and their religious commitment. In some cases, chiefs invoke customary laws in attempt to enforce sanctions against individuals who refuse to observe certain customary practices for religious reasons. But this has implications for the human rights of citizens. This article discusses the implications of this situation for the future of chieftaincy as well as prospects for the protection of the human rights of citizens who for religious reasons choose to stay away from certain communal customary practices.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Tisdale Driskill ◽  
Paige LeForce DeFalco ◽  
Jill Holbert Lang ◽  
Janette Habashi

AbstractThe study of children's images as delineated in constitutional documents highlights the historical transitions that have occurred within and among countries, as manifested in the Convention of the Rights of the Child. As such, content analysis was administered to examine constitutional and amendment documents of 179 nation-states listed and recognized by the United Nations Development Programme in the Human Developmental Index. This analysis produced quantitative and qualitative data in which it described the ranking of each country and it's postulation toward children's protection, provision and participation as outlined by CRC. The findings provide greater understanding of the nation-state posture towards children as active rights bearers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1423-1463 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL EILENBERG

AbstractPost-independence ethnic minorities inhabiting the Southeast Asian borderlands were willingly or unwillingly pulled into the macro politics of territoriality and state formation. The rugged and hilly borderlands delimiting the new nation-states became battlefronts of state-making and spaces of confrontation between divergent political ideologies. In the majority of the Southeast Asian borderlands, this implied violent disruption in the lives of local borderlanders that came to affect their relationship to their nation-state. A case in point is the ethnic Iban population living along the international border between the Indonesian province of West Kalimantan and the Malaysian state of Sarawak on the island of Borneo. Based on local narratives, the aim of this paper is to unravel the little known history of how the Iban segment of the border population in West Kalimantan became entangled in the highly militarized international disputes with neighbouring Malaysia in the early 1960s, and in subsequent military co-operative ‘anti-communist’ ‘counter-insurgency’ efforts by the two states in the late 1960–1970s. This paper brings together facets of national belonging and citizenship within a borderland context with the aim of understanding the historical incentives behind the often ambivalent, shifting and unruly relationship between marginal citizens like the Iban borderlanders and their nation-state.


1968 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans O. Schmitt

The expectation that a customs union in Europe will ultimately lead to political unification is based on the so-called spillover effect. This effect operates whenever any step toward integration creates new needs and fresh demands to proceed further in the same direction. Thus a customs union may create pressures to integrate not only commodity markets but capital markets as well. An integration of capital markets in turn may necessitate currency unification for its effective functioning, and a unified currency finally may imply a pooling of sovereignties sufficiently complete to destroy the separate identities of the participating nation-states. The process could also work in the opposite direction: from an insistence on the integrity of the nation-state to an ultimate rejection of the customs union itself.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Iliadis

This article argues for the right to nonparticipation for Global Digital Citizenship (GDC). It recuperates the notion of political nonparticipation in the context of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and GDC in order to show that nonparticipation can operate effectively in non-State spheres, particularly online. The paper begins with a discussion of nonparticipation in the context of Nation States and non-Statal Organizations before offering a brief survey of the terms Global Citizenship (GC), Digital Citizenship (DC), and GDC. Nonparticipation in an online context is then explained, followed by a discussion of practical concerns, such as who might enforce GDC rights among global digital citizens.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 91-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tijana Bajovic

This paper aims to describe the development of the recent wave of interest in memory and the past in general (so-called ?memory boom?), as well as the overall cultural climate that encouraged this ?invasion? of the past in both public and scientific discourses. While the first wave of memory boom was supposed to legitimate the emerging nation-states, the second boom signified the exhaustion of the old paradigm of nationalism, decline of the nation-state, as well as the emergence of a new paradigm: globalization.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


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