scholarly journals COLONIALIDADE, GÊNERO E MERCADO DE TRABALHO: UM DIÁLOGO ENTRE A BIOPOLÍTICA E A NECROPOLÍTICA

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (23) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Maritânia Salete Salvi RAFAGNIN (UCPEL) ◽  
Tiago LEMÕES (UCPEL)

Faz-se uma leitura da classe trabalhadora no contexto moderno-colonial utilizando-se das categorias da biopolítica de Foucault e necropolítica de Mbembe. Tais categorias são utilizadas como metodologia de análise dos fenômenos na periferia do capitalismo. Os resultados demonstram que, a produção de valores sempre foi relacionada ao trabalho vivo, contudo, com o advento da reestruturação produtiva, baseada na acumulação flexível, as empresas, descartaram a mão-de-obra (agora sobrante ao capitalismo), além do fato dos trabalhadores que mantiveram seus empregos, passaram a acumular diversas funções. Portanto, identificou-se que a precarização da vida tem incidido sobre a classe trabalhadora, submetida, cada vez mais, a novas formas de exploração da força de trabalho, sendo que na biopolítica inserem-se os trabalhadores formais e na necropolítica, os informais. Isso porque, o padrão que rege a sociedade capitalista é baseado nos valores de troca de mercadorias, logo, o sujeito não inserido nesse processo, é desnecessário para o sistema.Palavras-chave: Classe Trabalhadora. Biopolítica. Necropolítica.COLONIALITY, GENDER AND LABOR MARKET: A DIALOGUE BETWEEN BIOPOLITICS AND NECROPOLITICSA reading of the working class in the modern-colonial context is made using the categories of Foucault's biopolitics and Mbembe's necropolitics. Such categories are used as a methodology for analyzing phenomena on the periphery of capitalism. The results show that the production of values has always been related to live work, however, with the advent of productive restructuring, based on flexible accumulation, companies have discarded labor (now under capitalism), in addition to the fact of the workers who kept their jobs, started to accumulate several functions. Therefore, it was identified that the precariousness of life has affected the working class, which is increasingly subjected to new forms of exploitation of the workforce, with formal workers in the biopolitics and informal workers in the necropolitics. This is because, the standard that governs capitalist society is based on the exchange values of goods, therefore, the subject not inserted in this process, is unnecessary for the system.Keywords: Working class. Biopolitics. Necropolitics.

Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi

The history of Latin America cannot be understood without analyzing the role played by labor movements in organizing formal and informal workers across urban and rural contexts.This chapter analyzes the history of labor movements in Latin America from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries. After debating the distinction between “working class” and “popular sectors,” the chapter proposes that labor movements encompass more than trade unions. The history of labor movements is analyzed through the dynamics of globalization, incorporation waves, revolutions, authoritarian breakdowns, and democratization. Taking a relational approach, these macro-dynamics are studied in connection with the main revolutionary and reformist strategic disputes of the Latin American labor movements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Walid Merouani ◽  
Claire El Moudden ◽  
Nacer Eddine Hammouda

State legitimacy and effectiveness can be observed in the state’s approach to delivering welfare to citizens, thus mitigating social grievances and avoiding conflicts. Social security systems in the Maghreb countries are relatively similar in their architecture and aim to provide social insurance to all the workers in the labor market. However, they suffer from the same main problem: a low rate of enrollment of workers. Many workers (employees and self-employed) work informally without any social security coverage. The issue of whether informal jobs are chosen voluntarily by workers or as a strategy of last resort is controversial. Many authors recognize that the informal sector is heterogeneous and assume that it is made up of (1) workers who voluntarily choose it, and (2) others who are pushed into it because of entry barriers to the formal sector. The former assumption tells us much about state legitimacy/attractiveness, and the latter is used to inform state effectiveness in delivering welfare. Using the Sahwa survey and discrete choice models, this article confirms the heterogeneity of the informal labor market in three Maghreb countries: Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. Furthermore, this article highlights the profiles of workers who voluntarily choose informality, an aspect that is missing from previous studies. Finally, this article proposes policy recommendations in order to extend social security to informal workers and to include them in the formal labor market.


1990 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudolf Dekker

SUMMARYFrom the 15th to the 18th century Holland, the most urbanized part of the northern Netherlands, had a tradition of labour action. In this article the informal workers' organizations which existed especially within the textile industry are described. In the 17th century the action forms adjusted themselves to the better coordinated activities of the authorities and employers. After about 1750 this protest tradition disappeared, along with the economic recession which especially struck the traditional industries. Because of this the continuity of the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era which may be discerned in the labour movements of countries like France and England, cannot be found in Holland.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo Elbert

The dynamics of peripheral capitalism in Latin America includes the employment or self-employment of a significant proportion of the working class under informal arrangements. The neoliberal transformations of the 1990s deepened this feature of Latin American labor markets, and it was not reversed during the period of economic growth that followed the collapse of neoliberalism. In this context, sociological debates have focused on the relationship between the formal and the informal fractions of the working class. Examination of the biographical and family linkages between formal and informal workers in Argentina and the effect of these connections on the patterns of class self-identification of individuals shows that lived experience across the informality boundary makes formal workers similar to informal workers in terms of class self-identification. This research provides preliminary evidence that the two kinds of workers belong to the same social class because of the fluidity of the boundary that separates them. Instead of a class cleavage, this boundary is better defined as the separation between fractions of the working class. La dinámica del capitalismo periférico en América Latina implica la informalidad laboral (sea entre trabajadores contratados o autónomos) de una sustancial parte de la clase obrera. Las transformaciones neoliberales de los años noventa profundizaron esta característica de los mercados de trabajo latinoamericanos, y el problema no se revirtió durante el período de crecimiento económico que siguió al colapso del neoliberalismo. En este contexto, los debates sociológicos se han centrado en la relación entre los grupos formales e informales de la clase obrera. Un análisis de los vínculos biográficos y familiares entre los trabajadores formales e informales en Argentina y el efecto de dichas conexiones en los patrones individuales de autoidentificación de clase muestra que la experiencia vivida en los límites de la informalidad hace que los trabajadores formales se consideren similares a los informales en términos de identificación de clase. Esta investigación brinda evidencia preliminar de que los dos tipos de trabajadores pertenecen a la misma clase social.


Author(s):  
Janeide Bispo dos Santos

This article presents the results of a research that analyzed the pedagogical work carried out by teachers graduated from the Course in Rural Education (LEC) at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA). The contradictions of capitalist society are problematized to explain the repercussions on the working class in terms of exclusion and limitations in the access to material and cultural goods. The agrarian question is raised as a fundamental question of the capitalist society and its unfoldings on the working class. Rural Education is presented as a project of the working class whose aim is to face the structural order posed by bourgeois society. The pedagogical work of the research subjects is analyzed in the light of the four pillars that founded the Political Project of the Course (PPC), namely: consistent theoretical basis, political formation, class awareness, and revolutionary organization with insertion in class struggles with a look towards the pedagogical treatment given to the agrarian issue category, bearing in mind to confront the conception of the training and the teachers' practice in regards to the implementation of a revolutionary pedagogical practice. The research data reveals that not all teachers incorporated the conception of the content and method of the training to their respective practices.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilson Aparecido Costa de Amorim ◽  
Marcus Vinicius Gonçalves da Cruz ◽  
Amyra Moyzes Sarsur ◽  
André Luiz Fischer

PurposeThe purpose of this work is to comparatively study human resources management (HRM) areas in Brazil, at the national level, analyzing how companies considered labor market and labor relations aspects when building their strategies and when configuring people management models in place in the country (2014–2019), based on local conditions.Design/methodology/approachThe subject was approached through qualitative analysis, encompassing document survey, systematic literature review, specialists' panel discussions, eight focus groups (43 human resources [HR] managers), interviews (16 union members), applying institutional approach to people management.FindingsIn regards to labor market and unions, HR areas faced different conditions across Brazilian regions. They have dealt with those influences on their strategic and quotidian decisions in an unstructured fashion. HR areas remain constructed as traditional, adjuvant and far from strategic level. In the institutionalization process – normative isomorphism – a professional HR jargon use was identified. HR areas usually act in collective bargaining, resorting to specialized professionals or consulting companies. During the economic crisis, HR professionals' attitude had a reactive nature, responding to organizations leadership, with little dedication to the emerging context.Practical implicationsThis work enables important players like HR managers, union members and specialists in public policies to interpret the institutionalization phenomena of practices related to management, labor market and labor relations in the country.Social implicationsUnderstanding the effects of the relations among state, companies and unions allows the different power vectors, acting upon the institutionalization process of people management areas in the Brazilian case, to be outlined.Originality/valueThis study applies the institutional approach to understand the economic and social heterogeneity affecting organizations in Brazil. It enhances the knowledge on HRM areas scope and their articulation toward labor market and relations.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Post

AbstractThe notion of the labour-aristocracy is one of the oldest Marxian explanations of working-class conservatism and reformism. Despite its continued appeal to scholars and activists on the Left, there is no single, coherent theory of the labour-aristocracy. While all versions argue working-class conservatism and reformism reflects the politics of a privileged layer of workers who share in ‘monopoly’ super-profits, they differ on the sources of those super-profits: national dominance of the world-market in the nineteenth century (Marx and Engels), imperialist investments in the ‘colonial world’/global South (Lenin and Zinoviev), or corporate monopoly in the twentieth century (Elbaum and Seltzer). The existence of a privileged layer of workers who share monopoly super-profits with the capitalist class cannot be empirically verified. This essay presents evidence that British capital’s dominance of key-branches of global capitalist production in the Victorian period, imperialist investment and corporate market-power can not explain wage-differentials among workers globally or nationally, and that relatively well-paid workers have and continue to play a leading rôle in radical and revolutionary working-class organisations and struggles. An alternative explanation of working-class radicalism, reformism, and conservatism will be the subject of a subsequent essay.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Hollander

We are currently experiencing an outpouring of concern both popular and professional regarding technological unemployment. I shall be discussing an apparent about-turn on the subject by David Ricardo (1772–1823), who at different times, even in different chapters of the same book, and, indeed, even at different places in the same chapter, seemed to be on both sides of the argument as to whether technological unemployment should be a matter for concern. In a chapter entitled “On Machinery,” added to the third edition of his Principles of Political Economy (1821), which comprises volume 1 of his Collected Works (1951–73), Ricardo announced that he had become concerned about the possibility, even likelihood, of technical change detrimental to labour’s interests. However, in the very same “On Machinery” chapter, Ricardo also outlined qualifications to show that there was little need for concern. Ricardo’s opposing messages are reflected in contrasting reactions to the chapter “On Machinery.” Some readers—including Thomas Robert Malthus and J. R. McCulloch—understood it as supporting working-class opposition to machinery. Others—including John Stuart Mill and Sir John Hicks—find therein the answer to such opposition


1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.


Author(s):  
Olga Carrillo Mardones ◽  
Pedro Jurado de los Santos ◽  
Patricia Lagos Rebolledo

RESUMENEn este artículo se presentan los resultados del estudio que analiza la adquisición de las competencias ciudadanas desde la perspectiva del estudiantado y de los tutores de formación profesional de nivel medio de las ciudades de Concepción y de Barcelona. Los objetivos son analizar la adquisición de las competencias ciudadanas de los alumnos y alumnas de formación profesional, identificar diferencias en la adquisición de las competencias ciudadanas en las ciudades de Concepción y Barcelona, así como también establecer relaciones entre las competencias ciudadanas y el mundo del trabajo. Para ello se consideró a los centros educativos que ofrecen dicha formación y que imparten las especialidades del sector secundario y terciario. Se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a 57 participantes (29 son estudiantes y 28 tutores) las que permitieron conocer las apreciaciones de los entrevistados en torno a las competencias ciudadanas en este escenario. Los estudiantes de ambos contextos consideran importante la adquisición y desarrollo de competencias ciudadanas. Así también el currículum de formación profesional incorpora la formación ciudadana de manera transversal e implícita, como también en las asignaturas del plan general, específicamente en la asignatura de Historia y Ciencias Sociales para el caso de Chile.  Las competencias para la ciudadanía se relacionan directamente con el mundo del trabajo, favorecen positivamente la inserción de los estudiantes en el mercado laboral y les permite fortalecerlas en éste mismo escenario.ABSTRACTIn this article results are presented from a study that analyses the acquisition of citizenship competencies from the perspective of students and tutors of mid-level professional training in the cities of Concepción and Barcelona. The objectives are to analyze the acquisition of citizenship competencies of the students in professional training, to identify differences between the acquisition of citizenship competencies in the cities of Concepción and Barcelona, as well as to establish relations between citizenship competencies and the working world. To this end, schools that offer this training and specialization in the secondary and tertiary sectors were considered. Fifty-seven participants (29 students and 28 tutors) were interviewed in a semi-structured manner, which enabled the interviewees' appreciations about citizenship competencies in this context to be heard. The appreciations of the students are positive and similar in both contexts, this in coherence with the approaches of the curriculum of professional formation, which incorporates citizenship training in a transverse and implicit way, as well as in the subjects of the general plan, specifically in the subject of History and Social Sciences in the case of Chile. At the same time, competencies for citizenship are directly related to the working world, favoring positively the insertion of students in the labor market and allowing them to reinforce these skills in this same scenario.


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