scholarly journals Kosovar Public Diplomacy

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Bekim Baliqi ◽  
MSc. Ngadhnjim Brovina ◽  
BSc. Fjolla Nuhiu

We are being witnesses that the XXI century is characterized by the rise and rapid advancement of public diplomacy, particularly in small countries that are under development, or countries that do not have classical influence through diplomacy and military influence, therefore into the category of states in which the development of public diplomacy is needed, we have included the Republic of Kosovo.The Republic of Kosovo as a new state, with without diplomatic experience and that has started from scratch, should necessarily develop the public diplomacy, because it is listed in the category of countries that we have specified above.But how should the Republic of Kosovo develop a public diplomacy?For building the basement of public diplomacy, the main tool that Kosovo should develop is communicationThrough the communication are held discussions, negotiations, becomes the announcement about the steps of development of the state, becomes lobbying, rises the positive image, and all these lead to the recognition of the new state and to the multilateral and bilateral cooperation agreements.In order to explain the performance and the form of the use of communication in public diplomacy, which the Republic of Kosovo has begun to use and implement in practice, and which already has brought tangible results that need improvement, we think that still has remained very long road with many political, economic, diplomatic and democratic challenges until we achieve a satisfactory level.A deeper analysis of what has been done so far, and what needs to be done in the future is required, therefore the whole problem along with the possible functional solutions is explained more specifically with theories and examples below.

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Iva Rachmawati

This article places public diplomacy as an effort to preserve state’s existence in the international relations as well as to share identity in order to achieve mutual understanding by state and non-state actors. The conception of public diplomacy over the years has placed public diplomacy on the narrow framework of the state’s efforts to build a positive image. As a result, such efforts are ignorant of the important efforts of non-state actors in building a fundamental thing for the existence of a state, its identity. Through some historical facts, this article shows that public diplomacy is an effort not only held by the state but also non-state actors in communicating their identity. Both actions are within the public diplomacy of state design or done independently. State domination sometimes limits the movement of non-state actors, but on the contrary in the current era of openness provides wider opportunities for non-state actors to play a better and more independent role in preserving their existence as well as relations among citizen


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry G. Desyaev ◽  
Irina G. Napalkova

Introduction. The formation of the territorial image of the region popularize and present the territory in a positive light. The conditions available in the Republic of Mordovia for creating a successful image, especially historical-cultural and natural zones, allow creating a recognizable and attractive image of the Republic not only for the residents of Russia, but also abroad. primarily in the countries of the Finno-Ugric world, with which -cultural factor for interaction and cooperation. Building the image to a large extent is based on the historical aspect of the image background, which is inseparable from the rich Finno-Ugric culture and geographical diversity of the territory, while historical and cultural objects contribute to creating the attractive image of the region. History plays a fundamental role in creating a recognizable image, without it, it is impossible to build a meaningful view of the republic. Materials and Methods. The main research approaches were the historical-evolutionary method, the hermeneutic and axiological paradigms, the systems approach, and the elements of the theory of dependence on previous development. Among the applied methods the authors used a focus-group study, a case study, and an expert survey. The materials of the survey «Republic of Mordovia: problems and prospects for the formation of the image of the region» were employed. Results and Discussion. Mordovia has a long history, when Mordovian territorial units joined vast family of peoples living in Russia. The attainment of statehood by Mordovia in the 20th century was a significant step in preserving the distinctive culture and eventful memory of the region. Rich tourist and recreational potential, geographical location, natural resources, natural and water objects protected by the state, myths and legends, important historical events, preserved cultural and historical objects, folk traditions and customs have not lost their originality and can be a significant basis for the formation and promotion of a positive image of the Republic of Mordovia and can help to level existing negative stereotypes about the region as “territories of prisons and camps”, “provinces with a low standard of living, culture and education”, etc. Conclusion. The existing image background of Mordovia can become the basis of a unique positive image of the region, turning it into a well-known and popular brand. Adequate building of a regional image by each of the subjects of Russia, in turn, will help create a positive view of the state itself in the international arena.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (s2) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Artan Spahiu

Abstract The protection of the public interest is the main principle governing the activity regulation of the administrative bodies. This activity, traditionally, has been developed through administrative acts, as an expression of the unilateral and authoritarian willpower of public authority, which creates legal consequences. The administrative act has been and remains the most important instrument for the administration bodies to accomplish their mission, but it is no longer effective. Particularly this lack of efficiency is noticed in recent years when the development of the economy and the needs of the evergrowing society have prompted the administration to adapt its activity by making use of other mechanisms “borrowed” from private law. An important part of public activity can also be achieved through the contract as a way that brings the state closer to the private, mitigating its dominant position and leaving space for the efficiency of private activity to fulfil public engagements. Such contracts today are known as “administrative contracts” or “public contracts”. The terms mentioned above are instruments that establish legal relations, for the regulation of which the principle of public interest is opposed and competes with the principle of freedom of the contractual willpower. The regulation of these types of contracts is reached through the private law, which constitutes the general normative framework of contracts (lex generalis) even for the administrative contracts. But this general arrangement will have effect for as long as it does not contradict the imperative provisions of the specific act of public law (lex specialis), which regulates the administrative procedure for the completion of these contracts. This paper aims to bring to the spotlight the way our legislation predict and regulates administrative contracts, by emphasising particularly the features of their dualistic nature. The coexistence and competition of the principles of the freedom of contractual willpower and the protection of the public interest, evidenced in administrative contracts, is presented in this paper through the legal analysis of the Albanian legal framework which regulates these contracts. Under the terms when the role of the state in providing public services tends to increase and our legislation aims the harmonization in accord with the European legislation, it is necessary to improve the administrative contract regulation and extend its scope of action.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Jabbor Mukhammadiev

In the international media space the issues of ensuring information security of the state is inseparably interrelated with the political, economic and legal guarantees for exercising freedom of speech and expression. The problem of ensuring the information security of any state is one of the most important aspects of its foreign policy, since it is the information sphere that is today considered to be the most important object of application of the activities of various participants in international relations. In connection with the rapid development of information technologies, threats of a new type are emerging - threats to information security on a national scale, respectively, the state must respond quickly to a changing situation and take decisive steps to organize a coherent complex information security system. The article analyzes the main approaches to providing information security of the country, formulated the goal, tasks, functions, principles of ensuring information security of the country


Author(s):  
Johann-Albrecht Meylahn

Seeking the good often authorises and legitimises certain forms of violence: violence that defines the state (Benjamin’s law-founding violence) by the exclusion of others and the violence that coerces or binds (religare) the public into a common understanding of the good at the exclusion of other interpretations of that good (Benjamin’s law-maintaining violence). The secular modern state has never been without religion functioning as religare. The modern state, often seen as a peacemaker, is founded on these two forms of ‘legitimate’ violence against what is other or different, just as the peace, prosperity and good of the state is sought through the elimination of the different and a unification of the state under the banner of a ‘common’ good. This ‘legitimate’ violence will always produce the counter-violence of difference (i.e. excluded others) seeking a legitimate place within the common space of the republic (Benjamin’s divine violence). With the rise of religious fundamentalism, institutionalised religion has been allowed to return to the public debate. Is the call for this return one that further sanctions legitimate violence by eating and sharing the fruit of knowledge of good and evil? Is the call the church is hearing one that seeks to clarify and clearly define the good that will bind us (religare) into a stronger and more prosperous and peaceful city – onward Christian soldiers marching as to war? Or is there another calling, one that requires us to be Disciples of Christ – with the Cross of Jesus going on before – entering the space of violence beyond the knowledge of good and evil as peacemakers? In this article, I sought to understand this ‘peacemaking’ space by bringing into dialogue Žižek’s interpretation of Christianity with Derrida’s interpretation of hospitality.


Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil

This chapter examines Turkey's political history, specifically the country's main pillars of statism, nationalism, and secularism. These pillars emerged in unique forms in the aftermath of the establishment of the Republic in 1923 and became subject to divergent processes of transformation during the 1980s and 1990s, and then again in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The chapter illustrates how statism, nationalism, and secularism have suffused both the Turkish public sphere and its media culture. It also provides background for the ensuing examination of Turkey's contemporary media system, especially in regard to the development of political economic alliances between media proprietors and the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-178
Author(s):  
Đurica Nikolić ◽  
Radmilo Jović

The confiscated customs goods and the goods that were taken out for the benefit of the state are sold by the customs offices in accordance with the Customs Law and the Decree on customs clearance of goods. The manner of sale of customs goods by the customs offices has not changed for decades and is done exclusively through public sale, that is, at public bid-dings held in customs offices throughout the Republic of Serbia. Sale of customs goods through auction, i.e. public sales in the customs offices are confronted with certain problems including the following: the lack of training of customs officers to conduct bids, inexperience of customs officers in the way of bid management, the negotiation of the bidders regarding the bidding of goods in order to avoid buying at the first bids and wait for the purchase of goods through a direct contract, where the starting price is significantly lower; the existence of organized groups that by their participation in bids do not allow other participants to take part in public bidding. The problems identified in the public sale of customs goods have resulted in a lower payment of funds into the budget due to the purchase of goods and vehicles at significantly lower price. The sale of the confiscated goods and vehicles that would be organized via the Internet is one of the possibilities that can significantly reduce problems when selling customs goods and vehicles in the era of digitization, Internet development t and electronic data processing. Selling goods via the Internet can contribute to faster and more efficient sale of customs goods and vehicles, generating higher revenues from the sale of the confiscated goods, allowing more bidders to participate in bids, the persons participating in bids are known only to customs authorities, but not to other participants.. At the same time, the sale of goods via the Internet would contribute to the modernization of the customs service as a whole.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Rory Jeff Akyuwen

The role of the state through BUMN becomes so important when it is formulated in a provision as formulated in Article 33 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia, where the production branches which are important for the State and which affect the livelihood of the public must be controlled by Country. Here it indicates the authority of the State to participate in economic activities through the operation of production branches that can be categorized as important for the State and considered vital and strategic for the interest of the State.This is based on the reasons as formulated in the explanatory section of Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia, so that the benefits of the production branches do not fall into the hands of individuals, the State actively takes the role to cultivate it because the production branch is considered important and which control the livelihood of the people for the greatest prosperity of the people. State-Owned Enterprises is formed with the aim of contributing to the development of the national economy in general and the state's revenue in particular; The pursuit of profit; To hold general benefit in the form of providing goods and / or services of high quality and adequate for the fulfillment of the livelihood of the public; Pioneering business activities that have not yet been implemented by the private sector and cooperatives and actively providing guidance and assistance to weak economic entrepreneurs, cooperatives, and communities.SOEs are given the right to monopoly in the economic field which is considered to control the livelihood of many people.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Khadga K.C. ◽  
Niha Pandey

In 21st century, the discourse of diplomacy has taken a new turn which has led to an emergence of advanced practices of Diplomacy. This alteration has influenced Nepal’s diplomatic practices wherein the practice of diplomacy transformed immensely. With this note, this paper primarily focuses on the diplomatic practices of Nepal post 1990. It reflects on the relationship between the regime and the diplomatic practices in reference to the systemic and the state level of analysis. It further emphasizes on the Public Diplomacy as a significant aspect while conducting diplomacy in the 21st century. Additionally, the analysis comprehends public diplomacy in relation with the democratic political structure. Next, Total Diplomacy is taken under scrutiny. The significance of Total Diplomacy in case of Nepal is discussed and the challenges of adapting Total diplomacy with the changing political structure are emphasized upon.


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