Role of Institutional Environment in Shaping Political Careers of Young Political Leaders in the Regions of South-West Siberia

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-198
Author(s):  
Sergey Yurievich Aseev ◽  
Yaroslava Yurievna Shashkova
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
West Siberia ◽  
Novosibirsk Oblast ◽  
High Concentration ◽  
Scientific Challenge ◽  
Regional Elections

Evaluating prospects of bringing youth into Russian political elites has both an acuteness of a scientific challenge and practical relevance in the light of upcoming federal and regional elections of 2021. Based on the surveys of mass political consciousness of the youth and expert polls held in 2018-2020 in Altai Krai and Novosibirsk Oblast, the article has analyzed the visions of young people and their leaders on the effectiveness of career development through participation in youth political organizations, political parties and running for posts in election campaigns. Having measured these visions against the proportion of young people in the elite of the regional offices of political parties and in the lists of candidates running in regional elections, the authors have come to the conclusion about the low acceptance rate of career lift in regional political process. The object of the research comprises regions with different level of social and economic development, which has proved that lack of resource hinders realization of young leaders potential primarily in the regions with high concentration of economic capital and strong political competition.

scholarly journals Analisis Implementasi Calon Perseorangan dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Secara Langsung

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The People ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Recruitment System ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah

scholarly journals Love is blind: partisan alignment and political corruption in Spain

SERIEs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Borrella-Mas ◽  
Martin Rode
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Real Estate Industry ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
Boom And Bust ◽  
Boom And Bust Cycle ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Municipal Level ◽  
Do So

AbstractEver since the spectacular boom and bust cycle of the Spanish real estate industry, endemic corruption at the local level has become a widely recognized problem in the national public discourse. In an effort to expose an under-explored political determinant, this paper investigates the effect of local and regional alignment in fomenting corruption at the Spanish municipal level. To do so, we construct an ample panel dataset on the prevalence of corrupt practices by local politicians, which is employed to test the possible impact of partisan alignment in three consecutive joint municipal and regional elections. Findings show aligned municipalities to be more corrupt than non-aligned ones, an effect that is further associated with absolute majorities at both levels of government and higher capital transfers. By contrast, we also show that “throwing the rascals out” could be an effective strategy for curbing the corrupt practices of aligned municipalities. This indicates that the democratic political process may be effective in corruption control if agreements can be reached to remove corrupt politicians or parties from power.

How Do Mainstream Parties ‘Become’ Mainstream, and Pariah Parties ‘Become’ Pariahs? Conceptualizing the Processes of Mainstreaming and Pariahing in the Labelling of Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Case Selection ◽  
Mainstream Party

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.

Fringe political parties or political parties at the fringes? The dynamics of political competition in post-communist Europe

2019 ◽  
pp. 135406881986362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina ◽  
Adam Fagan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Growing Pains ◽  
Post Communism ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
The Relationship

Much of the literature on fringe political parties in post-communist Europe focused on the relationship with mainstream parties. Little is known about what happens at the fringes, what are the features of politics at the fringes and when this type of politics becomes mainstream. This special issue moves beyond the notion of the fringe versus mainstream dichotomy: it is more ‘granular’ in its approach and seeks to differentiate between different forms of ‘fringe’ parties. The contributions aim to explore how and whether the fringe in post-communist countries changes in an age of populism and illiberalism. They represent an important attempt to take the fringe as a feature of politics that is not necessarily transient or a manifestation of the ‘growing pains’ of post-communism.

Legal restrictions on the right of association in political parties and their interpretation in court decisions: comparative legal analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
Andrey Vershinin
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Party System ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Creation

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE RUSSIAN REGIONAL POLITICAL PROCESS

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
N. Zimina ◽  
A. Novikova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Personal Factors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Regional Interests

Political parties today are important elements of the regional political process. Parties, along with other political institutions, participate in the implementation of state policy within the region. The practice of recent years shows a negative trend in the creation of political parties, but those parties that are already registered and are actively fighting for political power at all stages of the Russian elections. Political parties participate in the regional political process to embrace the advantages of the political party space. These advantages are due to both objective factors (territorial potential, the economy of the region) and subjective reasons (personal factors associated with the rating of the leader, both the governor and the party coordinator, the nature of his acquaintance with the central financial department, and more). The study of the organization of power in the regions allows us to talk about its various modifications due to these factors. Political parties are a political institution, they represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in today’s political situation fully personify the needs of the regions and represent them at elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of the regional government

Pour une analyse politique du patronage

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Hudon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Evolutionary Pattern ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Complex Process ◽  
Empirical Level ◽  
Client Relationship ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
Different Characteristics

Towards a political analysis of patronagePolitical patronage is a phenomenon which has already been analysed and evaluated from many angles. An analytical model inspired by cybernetics is proposed here as a framework for the interpretation of the phenomenon. Such a model leads one to observe interactions between the different actors of a given society in terms of power relations. Using the ideas suggested by the model, the author describes patronage as a complex process in which a client relationship is established between patron and client, following which the former tries to alter his relationship with his opponents in political competition. Through the establishment of a client relationship, the patron helps to pull the client out from a certain state of weakness so as to obtain the means which the client wants for himself. Consequently, thanks to the means obtained by the client, which help him augment his power, the patron tries once more to alter his relations with his rivals in the political competition. In this sense, patronage permits a double transformation.On an empirical level two questions are posed. Can one trace an evolutionary pattern in the practice of patronage by political parties in Quebec between 1944 and 1972, and in what sense can patronage be defined? Does patronage have different characteristics depending on whether it is practised by the Liberal party or the Union nationale in the period under review?

scholarly journals Political Participation Convergence in Indonesia: A Study of Partisan Volunteers in the 2019 Election

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Library Research ◽  
And Function

This paper offers an analysis of convergent political participation in Indonesia, which is represented by the strengthening role of partisan volunteers in elections. Using the library research method, this paper explains why partisan volunteers present strategic positions in elections, especially in 2019. The results of this research reveal that the strengthening of the positions of partisan volunteers in elections is driven by the level of public trust in weak political parties in a strict and complex multiparty system, the emergence of flexible and civic-style political participation, and the co-optation of the voluntary understanding and function by political parties to reach undecided voters. The existence of volunteers was initially based on the antithetical spirit of an elitist political process, but later became a complementary element for political parties in the effort to win elections. Consequently, the involvement of partisan volunteers can lead to transactional politics and signifies a shift in the meaning of volunteers to that of a pragmatic arena.

scholarly journals Correlation analysis of voting results in the Russian federal and regional elections of 2011–2018

2021 ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Arkady Lyubarev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
Social Closeness ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Stability ◽  
High Level ◽  
Regional Elections

Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correlations between parliamentary opposition parties and parties with similar names. The correlation coefficients between the results of parties and candidates in the State Duma elections of 2011 and 2016 and the Presidential elections of 2012 and 2018 were also calculated, showing the stability of the geographical distribution of the electorate of the main parties. Regional differences in the nature of correlations between the main political parties are noted. It is assumed that correlations between parties reflect not so much their ideological closeness as the social closeness of their electorate. In this regard, it is noted that a positive correlation between the results of ideologically distant parties (“Yabloko” and the Communist party or “Yabloko” and “Rodina”) is associated with their reliance on the urban electorate and, perhaps, its most educated part. The reasons for voting for spoiler parties and the role of these parties in reducing the results of the main participants in the elections are discussed.

scholarly journals Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w polskim systemie partyjnym (przyczynek do dyskusji o systemotwórczej roli partii)

2018 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Andrzej ANTSZEWSKI
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
The Status ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Government

Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.

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