Village Autonomy and Articulation with the State: The Case of Tokugawa Japan

1965 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harumi Befu

When village communities exist in the context of a larger political system, understanding of the system of control at the village level requires analysis both of the system of control imposed on the village by the state and also of that which has evolved within the community through centuries of its existence. These two systems, of course, cannot operate altogether independently of each other but must somehow be articulated with one another. The specific ways in which the two systems articulate differ from society to society. Nonetheless a perusal of the literature suggests a solution to the problem of articulation which is common to many societies. The solution apparently is to maintain a relatively autonomous village community over which the higher authority exercises limited control through certain key agents or agencies, as is, for example, the case with Imperial China, Thailand, Ceylon, and Greece. And this was indeed the solution for Japanese villages of the Tokugawa period, in spite of the tight and rigid control of the military government over the peasantry which historians make much of. (Since our discussion will proceed at a general level at which differences in administration between the Shogunate and daimiate governments are minor, both types of government will be simply referred to as “the government” or “governments” without distinction.)

Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hart

AbstractIn 1979 Nigeria's military government held the first general elections for fifteen years. The politicians then resumed power under a republican constitution. The National Party of Nigeria, a conservative coalition, narrowly won the elections from four other parties and virtually controlled the next elections in 1983. There were five election rounds: for the President, for nine-teen state governers, for the Senate, for the House of Representatives and for the state assemblies. Increases over the 1979 vote in the presidential round indicated some rigging. Results in the following rounds were incredible. The root cause was northern reluctance within the National Party to honour an agreement to a southern presidential candidate at the next elections in 1987 and southern competition for the 1987 nomination. After the elections the courts failed to redress the rigging and the President to purge corrupt Ministers. The military then overthrew the government and resumed control.


Author(s):  
Alfian Alfian

The village law has given hope for village communities to have a more prosperous life in terms of village funding which gets greater attention when compared to the above government units, namely sub-districts and districts. This has been encouraged since the assistance of village funds has been carried out in recent years. The research method used in this research is literature study method. The literature studies obtained were sourced from various kinds such as regulations / laws, journals, books and other documentation. The conclusion is that the village law contains hope for the village community for a more prosperous life. This is also supported by the existence of village fund assistance which comes from various aspects of village income. Currently the Government distributes funds sourced from the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget for Villages in 2021. The Government distributes Village funds, the amount can reach IDR 1.4 billion per village per year or an increase is given to 416 districts and 74,953 villages throughout Indonesia, but it is still constrained. plagued with a number of problems in use and accountability.


Author(s):  
M. N. B. C. Neolaka ◽  
Rikhardus S. Klau ◽  
Metriani Epifania Nahak

The presence of a school in the village is a sign of the concrete presence of the State to fulfill the basic rights of the community in the field of education. Remembering that schools always assume interaction with other elements of society such as parents, students, religious institutions and village governments, their presence also demands responsibility and involvement of all parties at the grassroots in synergic cooperation. Only through quality cooperation involving all parties, an educational institution can become the backbone of a society's progress. Quality cooperation can be evaluated by looking at how the community responds to the concrete problems they face in the field. One of the fundamental problems commonly found in remote areas of Indonesia is the low access to basic education services. By recognizing and identifying problems that occur in their own environment, people are encouraged to recognize violations of their basic rights. In turn, the people themselves are encouraged to collect their rights to the Government and at the same time are aware of being actively involved in development.


Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.


Author(s):  
Brian E. Loveman

Latin America’s armed forces have played a central role in the region’s political history. This selective annotated bibliography focuses on key sources, with varying theoretical, empirical, and normative treatments of the military governments in the region, from the Cuban Revolution (1959) until the end of the Cold War (1989–1990). The article is limited to those cases in which military governments or “civil-military” governments were in power. This excludes personalist dictatorships, party dictatorships, and civilian governments in which the armed forces exercised considerable influence but did not rule directly. No pretense is made of comprehensiveness or of treating the “causes” of military coups (a vast literature) and of civil-military relations under civilian governments. Likewise, the closely related topics of guerrilla movements during this period, human rights violations under the military governments, US policy and support for many of the military governments, and the transitions back to civilian government (including “transitional justice”) are not covered in depth, but some of the selections do treat these topics and direct the reader to a more extensive literature on these subjects. Long-term military governments, with changing leadership in most cases, controlled eleven Latin American nations for significant periods from 1964 to 1990: Ecuador, 1963–1966 and 1972–1978; Guatemala, 1963–1985 (with an interlude from 1966–1969); Brazil, 1964–1985; Bolivia, 1964–1970 and 1971–1982; Argentina, 1966–1973 and 1976–1983; Peru, 1968–1980; Panama, 1968–1989; Honduras, 1963–1966 and 1972–1982; Chile, 1973–1990; and Uruguay, 1973–1984. In El Salvador the military dominated the government from 1948 until 1984, but the last “episode” was from 1979 to 1984. Military governments, though inevitably authoritarian, implemented varying economic, social, and foreign policies. They had staunch supporters and intense opponents, and they were usually subject to internal factionalism and ideological as well as policy disagreements. The sources discussed in this article reflect that diversity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Gable

I had the pleasure of commenting on the articles in this issue when they were first presented as papers at the 2006 annual meeting of the African Studies Association, and the remarks that follow remain true to the character of those comments while acknowledging that the original papers have been reworked and updated. These provocative articles, coupled with my experiences doing ethnographic research in Guinea-Bissau—first among Manjaco in the village-cluster of Bassarel more than twenty years ago, and more recently (and briefly) among immigrant Manjaco in Lisbon—have led me to reflect upon anthropology's relationship to recent history, and to what anthropologists can contribute to an understanding of Guinea-Bissau: yesterday, today, and tomorrow. Anthropology has a peculiar relationship to events, especially events that affect whole nations or regions. Anthropologists wish to be current, and we want to illuminate the big picture. And yet we have to acknowledge that there are inherent constraints in our work: the investigations we engage in are usually time consuming, our reports are therefore always belated, and our conclusions are the product of an intimate engagement with relatively few people who are, moreover, often situated on the periphery or at the margins of the state. Thus, even when the articles in this issue were first presented, “today” was already history because their focus was on the period after the war of 1998–99, which began as an attempt by the military to oust President Vieira and ended up as a protracted conflict (largely restricted to the capital, Bissau) that destroyed important infrastructure, caused NGOs to cease operations throughout the country, and led to the mass exodus of at least a quarter-million people from the capital city to seek refuge as “guests” in rural villages (see Vigh 2006).


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarlani Tarlani

Abstract. After Village Law was published in 2014,  formation of BUMDes enforcement in each village became one of the strategic solutions for welfare of the village community. The issue of poverty and underdevelopment of villages is a priority that needs to be addressed by the government. However, not all problems can be solved in one village, but they need village collaboration to make institutions so that their role is more massive, effective, and efficient in encouraging the growth of the village economy. BUMDES Danar Garut is a form of cooperation between villages so that the resolution of a problem can be done at the village government level. since 2014,  BUMDes has been established many business activities. This paper aims to assess the level of contribution of the Danar BUMDes to the economic activities of rural communities. This research was conducted by means of semi-structured in-depth interviews with key stakeholders from both the village government, the director of the Joint BUMDes and the community as beneficiaries of the BUMDes by selecting purposive sampling. The results of the analysis show that BUMDes Danar has made a positive contribution to the village government, socio-economic village communities and the ability and expertise of the people in Leles District both the direct impact of reducing unemployment, increasing the welfare of the village apparatus and indirectly for the Villages or the scope of Leles District.Keywords: Joint-BUMDes, Social-economy, Village SocietyAbstrak. Setelah terbitnya Undang-Undang Desa tahun 2014,dorongan terbentuknya BUMDes di setiap desa menjadi salah satu solusi strategis dalam menyejahterakan masyarakat desa. Isu kemiskinan dan ketertinggalan desa menjadi prioritas yang perlu ditangani oleh pemerintah. Namun tidak semua masalah  dapat diselesaikan dalam satu desa, melainkan perlu adanya kolaborasi antar lembaga desa sehingga perannya lebih masif , efektif dan efisien dalam mendorong bertumbuhnya ekonomi desa. BUMDES Danar Garut merupakan perwujudan kerjasama antar desa agar penyelesaiaan suatu masalah bisa dilakukan pada tingkat pemerintahan desa. sejak 2014 BUMDes ini berdiri sudah banyak kegiatan usaha yang dilakukan. Paper ini bertujuan menilai tingkat kontribusi BUMDes Danar terhadap kegiatan ekonomi masyarakat desa. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan cara wawancara mendalam semi terstruktur kepada para stakeholder kunci   baik dari kalangan pemerintah desa, direktur BUMDes Bersama maupun dari masyarakat sebagai penerima manfaat  dari adanya BUMDes dengan pemilihan purposive sampling. Dari hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa  BUMDes Danar telah memberikan kontribusi positif  bagi pemerintah desa,  sosial-ekonomi masyarakat desa dan kemampuan serta keahlian masyarakat yang ada di Kecamatan Leles baik dampak secara langsung yaitu berkurangnya pengangguran, meningkatkan kesejahteraan aparatur desa maupun secara tidak langsung bagi Desa-Desa ataupun lingkup Kecamatan Leles.Kata Kunci: BUMDes Bersama, Sosial-ekonomi, Masyarakat Desa


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-116
Author(s):  
Syahruddin Syahruddin

Community empowerment needs to be the main priority of the central government and regional governments, especially local people who live in villages far from remote villages, increasing community empowerment will improve welfare and sustainable development, through social culture, government policies, and human resource capacity. The purpose of this article is how the influence of government policy, human resource capacity on the empowerment of local communities in Merauke Regency, using the method of multiple regression analysis. The results of the study illustrate that the government program is very positive and significant, with a variety of program policies to the villages with various activities and financial assistance to the village. While the influence of community resource capacity is insignificant, there are still many local village communities that still lack education levels and health levels that are still high and socio-cultural which are still strong.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


2021 ◽  
Vol 921 (1) ◽  
pp. 012003
Author(s):  
N Zaman ◽  
D Rukmana ◽  
I M Fahmid ◽  
M H Jamil

Abstract Social, economic and ecological development in rural areas is currently the main concern of the Indonesian Government at the national level. This study aims to determine the extent to which village funds are used by the government and village communities for the development of the agricultural sector and the application of the development paradigm in the agricultural sector. The population in this study were all villages in South Sulawesi that received Village Fund assistance from 2015 to 2019. Sampling was based on village classifications according to the Developing Village Index (IDM). Based on the results of the analysis method, it shows that the Village Fund can only be used to fund two of the four activity sectors that can be financed from the Village Fund in the agricultural sector, namely the development sector and the rural empowerment sector. Public. Whereas the application of the development paradigm in each village is based on the village classification using the Village Fund in the agricultural sector, namely: 1) The village is very backward adopting the Post-Structuralist paradigm. 2) under developed villages adopt the Post-Structuralist paradigm. 3) Building the village by adopting the Liberal paradigm. 4) developed villages adopt a liberal a paradigm. 5) independent villages adopt a liberal paradigm.


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