scholarly journals PERGESERAN KEKUASAAN PRESIDEN DAN PENGUATAN KEKUASAAN DPR PASCA PERUBAHAN UUD NRI 1945

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 143
Author(s):  
Mugeni Mugeni

<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Praktik<strong> </strong>penyelenggaraan pemerintahan negara yang dilaksanakan oleh Presiden selama rezim Orde Lama dan Orde Baru telah menimbulkan gelombang tuntutan kepada MPR RI pada masa reformasi agar melakukan berbagai perbaikan terhadap UUD NRI 1945. Perubahan UUD NRI 1945 yang dilakukan sejak 1999-2002, telah berhasil mendistribusi kekuasaan eksekutif, kekuasaan legislatif, dan kekuasaan yudikatif kearah suatu keseimbangan baru yang lebih proporsional ketimbang pada rezim Orde Lama dan Orde Baru. Namun jika dicermati lebih jauh, pembagian kekuasaan antara Presiden dan DPR masih tidak seimbang dan cenderung tidak hanya melampaui paradigma <em>check and balances</em><em> </em>tetapi telah menjadi <em>excessive</em>. DPR tidak hanya menjalankan fungsi legislatif murni, tetapi juga melaksanakan sejumlah fungsi administrasi negara yang semestinya murni menjadi ranah kekuasaan Presiden.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Governance practices implemented by the President during the Old Order and New Order has provoked a wave of demands to the People’s Consultative Assembly in the reformation era to carry out various improvements to the Constitution of the Republic Indonesia of 1945. The amendments to the Constitution since 1999 to 2002 has been successfully distributing powers among the executive, the legislative, and the judiciary towards a new equilibrium that is more proportional than in the Old Order and New Order. But on a closer examination, the division of powers between the President and Parliament are still not balanced and tend to not only go beyond the paradigm of checks and balances but has become excessive. In fact, the Parliament does not only perform  purely legislative functions, but also carries out a number of functions that should be purely within the realm of presidential powers.</p>

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-141
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

“Kekristenan dan Nasionalisme di Indonesia” membahas mengenai sejarah kekristenan di Indonesia yang diasumsikan sebagai agama yang pro terhadap penjajah dari Barat namun asumsi itu tidak benar sebagai bukti ada banyak tokoh Kristen yang ikut memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Indonesia dengan didasarkan semangat nasionalisme. Kemudian pasca-kolonial Belanda kekristenan ingin menampilkan wajah baru yang sungguh-sungguh keindonesiaan dengan lahirnya organisasi DGI/PGI. Namun seiring waktu ketika berakhirnya era orde baru dan memasuki era reformasi, kekristenan dan masyarakat lainnya di Indonesia menghadapi arus gelombang yang mengatas-namakan agama yang pergerakannya cukup masif dibandingkan di era orde lama diantaranya: kelompok Islam fundamentalis yang ingin menjadikan NKRI bersyariat Islam, adanya gerakan politik transnasional HTI yang ingin menghidupkan kembali kejayaan Islam pada abad ke-6 dan faham Wahabisme yang sarat dengan kekerasan. Persoalan lainnya ialah adanya kemiskinan yang terstruktur akibat dari krisis moneter yang melanda di Indonesia tahun 1997. Melalui masalah ini, setiap agama-agama di Indonesia harus melakukan konvergensi atas dasar keprihatinan yang sama. Abstract: Christianity and Nationalism in Indonesia” discuss the history of Christianity in Indonesia, which is assumed to be a religion that is pro to Western colonialism. Still, this assumption is incorrect as evidence that many Christian figures fought for Indonesian independence based on the spirit of nationalism. Then post-colonial of Dutch, Christianity wanted to be presented a truly Indonesian face with the birth of the DGI / PGI organization. But over time when the end of the new order and entering the era of reform, Christianity and the other societies in Indonesia faced challenges in the name of religion whose movements were quite massive compared to the old order including fundamentalist Islamic groups who wanted to make the Republic of Syariat Muslim Indonesia, a transnational HTI political movement that wanted to revive the glory of Islam in the 6th century and the ideology of Wahhabism which is loaded with violence. Another problem is the existence of structured poverty due to the monetary crisis that hit Indonesia in 1997. Through this problem, every religion in Indonesia must converge on the basis of the same concerns.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Fais Yonas Bo’a

Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum sudah mendapatkan legitimasi secara yuridis melalui TAP MPR Nomor XX/MPRS/1966 tentang Memorandum DPR-GR Mengenai Sumber Tertib Hukum Republik Indonesia dan Tata Urutan Peraturan Perundang Republik Indonesia. Setelah reformasi, keberadaan Pancasila tersebut kembali dikukuhkan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2004 yang kemudian diganti dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Peraturan Perundang-Undangan. Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum memberi makna bahwa sistem hukum nasional wajib berlandaskan Pancasila. Akan tetapi, keberadaan Pancasila tersebut semakin tergerus dalam sistem hukum nasional. Hal demikian dilatarbelakangi oleh tiga alasan yaitu: pertama, adanya sikap resistensi terhadap Orde Baru yang memanfaatkan Pancasila demi kelanggengan kekuasaan yang bersifat otoriter. Kedua, menguatnya pluralisme hukum yang mengakibatkan terjadinya kontradiksi-kontradiksi atau disharmonisasi hukum. Ketiga, status Pancasila tersebut hanya dijadikan simbol dalam hukum. Untuk itu, perlu dilakukan upaya-upaya untuk menerapkan Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum dalam sistem hukum nasional yaitu: pertama, menjadikan Pancasila sebagai suatu aliran hukum agar tidak terjadi lagi disharmonisasi hukum akibat diterapkannya pluralisme hukum. Kedua, mendudukkan Pancasila sebagai puncak peraturan perundang-undangan agar Pancasila memiliki daya mengikat terhadap segala jenis peraturan perundang-undangan sehingga tidak melanggar asas lex superiori derogat legi inferiori.Pancasila as the source of all sources of law has obtained legitimacy legally through the Decree of the People’s Consultative Assembly Number XX / MPRS / 1966 on the Memorandum of the House of Representatives-Gotong Royong Regarding the Sources of Law and the Order of the Republic of Indonesia. After the reformation, the existence of Pancasila was re-confirmed in Law Number 10 Year 2004 which was subsequently replaced by Law Number 12 Year 2011 on Legislation Regulation. Pancasila as the source of all sources of law gives meaning that the national legal system must be based on Pancasila. However, now the existence of Pancasila is increasingly eroded in the national legal system. This is motivated by three reasons: first, the existence of resistance to the New Order that utilizes Pancasila for the sake of perpetuity of authoritarian power. Second, the strengthening of legal pluralism that resulted in legal contradictions or disharmony. Third, the status of Pancasila is only used as a symbol in law. Therefore, efforts should be made to implement Pancasila as the source of all sources of law in the national legal system: first, make Pancasila as a flow of law in order to avoid legal disharmonization due to the application of legal pluralism. Secondly, Pretend Pancasila as the top of legislation so that Pancasila have binding power against all kinds of laws and regulations so that it does not violate the principle of lex superiori derogat legi inferiori.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 136-158
Author(s):  
Arif Wijaya

Abstract; this paper highlights democracy in the history of the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. In the history of the nation, from independence to now, there are three kinds of democracy that once applied in the constitutional life of Indonesia, namely the liberal democracy, the guided democracy, and the Pancasila democracy. The liberal democracy leads to a failure of the Constituent establishing Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 as a replacement of Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara 1950. The Guided Democracy is under the reign of the old order and the Pancasila democracy is under the rule of the new order. Although the initial concept for the period intended as an implementation of the fourth principle of Pancasila, but the power was ultimately centralized on the hand of President. A failure of the old and the new order to uphold the values of democracy cause a reformation. In this reformation era, the values of democracy are expected to be enforced.Keywords: The liberal democracy, the guided democracy, the Pancasila democracy


Author(s):  
Rahmat Salam

Pancasila is the basis of our country and the nation's view of life, which is extracted from the noble values of the nation's culture. However, along with the development of time, the practice and implementation of the Pancasila practice are always adjusted to the regime's will in power. In the Old Order era, Pancasila was used as an ideological tool; during the New Order, Pancasila was carried out purely and consistently but followed the regime's will in power at that time. In the Reformation Age, the implementation of Pancasila, which was expected to be following the original, even began to be abandoned because the people were more faced with a free lifestyle with liberal understanding. This article will try to highlight the position of Pancasila during the New Order regime when President Suharto was in power and compare it with the work of Pancasila Post-reformation starting from the fall of the New Order until now and looking at the challenges that will be faced in the future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dilla Pratiwi Puji Rahayu ◽  
Erika Puspitasari ◽  
Azwar Annas ◽  
Agus Pujianto

This study aims to determined and described the legal history of forest management in Indonesia. For this study, regulation of the forest will be analyzed in each period of Indonesia legal history, namely the early days of independence, the old order regim, the new order regim, and the reformation era. Method use in this study is normative study, by using statute approach and historical approach. Result of this study can be describe that the legal history of forest arrangement in Indonesia was dynamics, comprises: the control of state toward the land including the customary land/customary forest based on the the right of state to control as stipulated in the 1945 Constitution, and the recognition of the indigineous legal community toward their customary forest.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 271
Author(s):  
Solikhul Hadi

<p><em>The long process of regulation of Islamic law - especially the law of waqf - is always interesting to observe or study, because its presence cannot be separated from the things that underlie it. This study aims to examine the effect of Indonesia's political configuration on the character of waqf regulatory products in Indonesia. By using qualitative methods, it is hoped that this study will be able to describe the</em><em> character of</em><em> products of waqf regulation which are influenced by political configurations from the New Order Era to the Reformation Era with a historical approach. The results of this study indicate that the character of waqf regulations in Indonesia varies according to the political configuration that surrounds them. There are at least three important periods that show the dynamics of political configuration that affect the character of waqf regulation. First the Old Order Period, Law no. 5 of 1960 (UUPA), which also regulates waqf </em><em>and</em><em> land issues, is responsive in character. Secondly, during the New Order era, the regulations governing waqf during the New Order era were conservative / orthodox in character. The regulation that regulates waqf during the New Order era is PP. 28 of 1977 concerning Ownership of Land Owned, Law no. 7 of 1989 concerning Religious Courts (Chapter III), and Compilation of Islamic Law based on Presidential Instruction No.1 of 1991. In Chapter III. And there are also several regulations issued by the Minister and Director General level. And thirdly the Reformation Period, the Law that regulates waqf Law no. 41 of 2004 has a democratic character.</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Proses panjang regulasi hukum Islam utamanya hukum wakaf selalu menarik untuk diamati atau diteliti, karena kehadirannya tak lepas dari hal-hal yang melatarbelakanginya. Studi ini bertujuan untuk meneliti pengaruh konfigurasi politik Indonesia terhadap karakter produk regulasi wakaf di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif diharapkan studi ini akan bisa mendeskripsikan karakter produk regulasi wakaf yang dipengaruhi oleh konfigurasi politik mulai Era Orde Baru sampai dengan Era Reformasi dengan pendekatan historis.<strong> </strong>Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa karakter regulasi wakaf di Indonesia berbeda-beda sesuai dengan konfigurasi politik yang melingkupinya. Setidaknya ada tiga periode penting yang menunjukkan dinamika konfigurasi politik yang mempengaruhi karakter regulasi wakaf. Pertama Masa Orde Lama, Undang-Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1960 (UUPA) yang di dalamnya juga mengatur tentang wakaf dan permasalahan pertanahan adalah berkarakter  responsif.<strong> </strong>Kedua Masa Orde Baru, regulasi  yang mengatur tentang wakaf pada masa Orde Baru berkarakter konservatif/ortodoks<strong>. </strong>Regulasi  yang mengatur tentang wakaf pada masa Orde Baru adalah Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 28 Tahun 1977 tentang Perwakafan Tanah Milik, Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 1989 tentang Peradilan Agama (Bab III), dan Kompilasi Hukum Islam berdasarkan Inpres No.1 Tahun 1991. Pada Bab III dan juga ada beberapa peraturan yang dikeluarkan oleh setingkat Menteri dan Dirjen. Dan ketiga  Masa Reformasi, Undang-Undang yang mengatur tentang wakaf Undang-Undang Nomor Nomor 41 Tahun 2004 berkarakter demokratis.</p><p> </p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
M. Tauchid Noor ◽  
Kamarudin Kamarudin

The amendment of the 1945 Constitution sets that governors, regents, and local mayors are democratic in their election, originally selected by the legislative assembly and latterly sifted into direct election from the people. Based on the regulation No. 22 of 2007, it states that the election of local leader and co-leader is characterized as the part of general election regime, and thus it brings impact on local election, which should run directly as well. This article examines the arising problems on local election after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, which reveals various problematic factors in the implementation of direct election for local head has been officially established. Indonesia has run local election many times in different eras, including in Dutch colonialism, Japan colonialism, and post-independence era. In post-independence era, Indonesia also has various political climates and traditions and including Old Order, New Order, and reformation era. The alteration of this general election system aims to provide fair democracy for all people to vote for their local leaders. The implementation, however, encounters several factors and problems derived from the level of participation up to the readiness of local election committee.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

 This article examines deviations from the original purpose of the regional autonomy system in the Reformation era. Since the beginning, the local autonomy system was a response to a centralized government system during the New Order regime. The implementation of regional autonomy so that each region can regulate, develop, and advance its region. However, the spirit of regional autonomy has been distorted due to public policies' existence through a set of rules that impose religious law, which ultimately limits the development of other religions. In reality, regional / regency regulations with religious nuances clash with the Republic of Indonesia's existing constitution. This study uses the literature method approach, which focuses on the topic of regional autonomy as well as conducting interviews with national figures Andreas A. Yewangoe because his thoughts will be raised in responding to deviations from the original purpose of the formation of regional autonomy policies in Indonesia. In conclusion, Yewangoe gave a theological response so that matters of religious law were aimed at his religious group, not being forced to be applied in a heterogeneous public space to create democracy in Indonesia following the principles of humanity and justice for Indonesian people. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-148
Author(s):  
M. Fahim Tharaba

This research aims to excavate the meaning and substance contained in the entire thought of Islamic boarding school and madrasah in the politic of educational in Indonesia. The method of research use bibliografic research with content analysis. The results of study revealed that Islamic boarding school and madrasah in politic of education in Indonesia experienced tremendous dynamics, especially starting from the colonial period, namely the pioneering stages of the establishment of madrasah; the old order. Islamic boarding school and madrasah are not only recognized, but also in the form of coaching and guidance; the new order, madrasah is aimed to build an intact national education system completely. Therefore, madrasah has extra burden of considerable weight, because it must provide curriculum of level public school completely, he also had to provide the essential materials of Islam that had been taught; the reformation period. Islamic boarding school and madrasah diniyah received recognition juridically; and the period after reform. Islamic boarding school and madrasah are faced with a touch of technology.


Author(s):  
Sapto Pramono

Development is an activity process that aims to create a more advanced society and social life. Because the scope of development touches the various areas of human life, then the range to be achieved by itself summarizes many aspects, both aspects of social politics, socioeconomic, socio-cultural and defense and security issues In general, development is done in developing countries whether it seca physical, non-physical, material or immateril. Similarly, the Republic of Indonesia, from a new independence until the age of more than 70 years of republic has experienced three times the political system of government, namely the Old Order, the New Order and the Reform Order.This article attempts to elaborate a small comparison between the New Order and the Reform Order on its policies and approaches to development. The policies adopted by the New Order government were applied in two general strategies: economic strategy and political strategy.The concept used to distinguish the two order development is state centered and statism. State centered in the New Order is clarified in three different approaches: politics as commander, economy as commander and morality as commander. While the concept of statism seen in various policies with absolute properties, both on the needs of primary, secondary and tertiary. Nevertheless everything is in stable situations and conditions, although in the end the condition is false and everything is messy.In contrast to the Reform Order, all governments of the four presidents put more emphasis on democracy in various fields, whereas the concept of state centered and statism was less emphasized so that the situation and condition of primary, secondary and tertiary needs happened more leads to instability.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document