scholarly journals Tanggapan Teologis Andreas A. Yewangoe Terhadap Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia Pada Era Reformasi

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

 This article examines deviations from the original purpose of the regional autonomy system in the Reformation era. Since the beginning, the local autonomy system was a response to a centralized government system during the New Order regime. The implementation of regional autonomy so that each region can regulate, develop, and advance its region. However, the spirit of regional autonomy has been distorted due to public policies' existence through a set of rules that impose religious law, which ultimately limits the development of other religions. In reality, regional / regency regulations with religious nuances clash with the Republic of Indonesia's existing constitution. This study uses the literature method approach, which focuses on the topic of regional autonomy as well as conducting interviews with national figures Andreas A. Yewangoe because his thoughts will be raised in responding to deviations from the original purpose of the formation of regional autonomy policies in Indonesia. In conclusion, Yewangoe gave a theological response so that matters of religious law were aimed at his religious group, not being forced to be applied in a heterogeneous public space to create democracy in Indonesia following the principles of humanity and justice for Indonesian people. 

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Fais Yonas Bo’a

Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum sudah mendapatkan legitimasi secara yuridis melalui TAP MPR Nomor XX/MPRS/1966 tentang Memorandum DPR-GR Mengenai Sumber Tertib Hukum Republik Indonesia dan Tata Urutan Peraturan Perundang Republik Indonesia. Setelah reformasi, keberadaan Pancasila tersebut kembali dikukuhkan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2004 yang kemudian diganti dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Peraturan Perundang-Undangan. Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum memberi makna bahwa sistem hukum nasional wajib berlandaskan Pancasila. Akan tetapi, keberadaan Pancasila tersebut semakin tergerus dalam sistem hukum nasional. Hal demikian dilatarbelakangi oleh tiga alasan yaitu: pertama, adanya sikap resistensi terhadap Orde Baru yang memanfaatkan Pancasila demi kelanggengan kekuasaan yang bersifat otoriter. Kedua, menguatnya pluralisme hukum yang mengakibatkan terjadinya kontradiksi-kontradiksi atau disharmonisasi hukum. Ketiga, status Pancasila tersebut hanya dijadikan simbol dalam hukum. Untuk itu, perlu dilakukan upaya-upaya untuk menerapkan Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum dalam sistem hukum nasional yaitu: pertama, menjadikan Pancasila sebagai suatu aliran hukum agar tidak terjadi lagi disharmonisasi hukum akibat diterapkannya pluralisme hukum. Kedua, mendudukkan Pancasila sebagai puncak peraturan perundang-undangan agar Pancasila memiliki daya mengikat terhadap segala jenis peraturan perundang-undangan sehingga tidak melanggar asas lex superiori derogat legi inferiori.Pancasila as the source of all sources of law has obtained legitimacy legally through the Decree of the People’s Consultative Assembly Number XX / MPRS / 1966 on the Memorandum of the House of Representatives-Gotong Royong Regarding the Sources of Law and the Order of the Republic of Indonesia. After the reformation, the existence of Pancasila was re-confirmed in Law Number 10 Year 2004 which was subsequently replaced by Law Number 12 Year 2011 on Legislation Regulation. Pancasila as the source of all sources of law gives meaning that the national legal system must be based on Pancasila. However, now the existence of Pancasila is increasingly eroded in the national legal system. This is motivated by three reasons: first, the existence of resistance to the New Order that utilizes Pancasila for the sake of perpetuity of authoritarian power. Second, the strengthening of legal pluralism that resulted in legal contradictions or disharmony. Third, the status of Pancasila is only used as a symbol in law. Therefore, efforts should be made to implement Pancasila as the source of all sources of law in the national legal system: first, make Pancasila as a flow of law in order to avoid legal disharmonization due to the application of legal pluralism. Secondly, Pretend Pancasila as the top of legislation so that Pancasila have binding power against all kinds of laws and regulations so that it does not violate the principle of lex superiori derogat legi inferiori.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
Faisal Fahmi Siagian ◽  
Jamilah Jamilah

Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) is one type of statutory regulation that must exist in the legal system of the Republic of Indonesia as one of the logical consequences of adopting a presidential system in the government of the Republic of Indonesia whose existence is always maintained throughout the Indonesian constitution. This type of research is normative juridical research and is descriptive qualitative in nature. Data collection methods are library research and field study. The affirmation of the benchmarks of the establishment of the Government Regulation in lieu of this Act has a fundamental difference regarding the urgency of the law according to the 1945 Constitution prior to the amendment to the 1945 Constitution which is currently in force as the result of the 4th amendment. After the reformation, there have been 2 (two) laws governing regional autonomy, especially with regard to regional head elections, namely Law Number 22 of 1999, which was then replaced by Law Number 32 of 2004. The issuance of Perpu Number 1 of 2014 which is a Amendments to Law No. 32/2004 were first proposed for amendments by the Government in this matter proposed by the Minister of the Interior.


1990 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hudson Meadwell

Among other things, the revolutionary period in France is notorious for two practices: the development of a civil religion and a project of linguistic standardization. The substitution of republican for religious symbols, the creation of public space for republican worship, the hostility towards intermediary bodies, all of this sought to ground a more direct relationship between the citizen and the republic. At the same time, the new order sought to consolidate its control of the church. An oath of loyalty to the republic was required from priests, as part of a plan to make priests functionaries of the state. The protest evoked, and its association with counterrevolution, however, produced equivocation on the part of regimes until the Concordat, which acknowledged the place of Catholicism in French society, without providing official recognition as the state religion, and which sought to monitor the activity of the clergy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 143
Author(s):  
Mugeni Mugeni

<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Praktik<strong> </strong>penyelenggaraan pemerintahan negara yang dilaksanakan oleh Presiden selama rezim Orde Lama dan Orde Baru telah menimbulkan gelombang tuntutan kepada MPR RI pada masa reformasi agar melakukan berbagai perbaikan terhadap UUD NRI 1945. Perubahan UUD NRI 1945 yang dilakukan sejak 1999-2002, telah berhasil mendistribusi kekuasaan eksekutif, kekuasaan legislatif, dan kekuasaan yudikatif kearah suatu keseimbangan baru yang lebih proporsional ketimbang pada rezim Orde Lama dan Orde Baru. Namun jika dicermati lebih jauh, pembagian kekuasaan antara Presiden dan DPR masih tidak seimbang dan cenderung tidak hanya melampaui paradigma <em>check and balances</em><em> </em>tetapi telah menjadi <em>excessive</em>. DPR tidak hanya menjalankan fungsi legislatif murni, tetapi juga melaksanakan sejumlah fungsi administrasi negara yang semestinya murni menjadi ranah kekuasaan Presiden.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Governance practices implemented by the President during the Old Order and New Order has provoked a wave of demands to the People’s Consultative Assembly in the reformation era to carry out various improvements to the Constitution of the Republic Indonesia of 1945. The amendments to the Constitution since 1999 to 2002 has been successfully distributing powers among the executive, the legislative, and the judiciary towards a new equilibrium that is more proportional than in the Old Order and New Order. But on a closer examination, the division of powers between the President and Parliament are still not balanced and tend to not only go beyond the paradigm of checks and balances but has become excessive. In fact, the Parliament does not only perform  purely legislative functions, but also carries out a number of functions that should be purely within the realm of presidential powers.</p>


Author(s):  
Azhar Abbas ◽  
Timbul Dompak

Elections in Indonesia, have been held periodically since 1955, then in 1971 After that, elections are held every 5 years, starting in 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997. The democratization process carried out with the Elections above, especially during the New Order have not been able to produce the expected democratic values. During the Reformation period, Indonesia had begun elections in 1999, then in 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019.There is something interesting about the dynamics of the development of democracy in this country since the reformation began in 1998. One thing that stands out is the impact of democracy on people's welfare. In the midst of public space, various discussions emerged about whether democracy is still an appropriate system for answering the concept of a better state and being able to provide welfare for all the people of Indonesia. Through elections, voters can channel their chosen aspirations. The hope, of course, is choosing leaders who can realize programs that can improve people's welfare.


Author(s):  
Yudi Latif

Our national commitment can be seen through three phases, namely in the early days of independence, in the New Order era, and in the Reform Era. Our national commitment at the beginning of the independen- ce is scratched as negative-defensive nationalism force, when it was faced with a common enemy from outside (colonization). Our national commit- ment in the New Order era is marked by making economy as the comman- der in terms of growth, stability and centralization of power, bringing a variety of inequality. The most striking, there is lack of harmony between the national and statehood character. National multicultural character of Indonesia was denied by the centralized nature of waking state. Imbalance between central and local government with denial of political, social, eco- nomic and cultural rights of local communities. Meanwhile, the national commitment in the Reformation Era is characterized by openness and free- dom of public space that brings euphoria for the expression of marginalized identities. Efforts to bring diversity of expression "plural monoculturalism" into the situation of "multi-culturalism"—with willingness of being differen- ce (pluralism) and willingness of being united (cosmopolitanism)— requires a new solidarity framework, which is based on the premises of political na- tionalism based on rationality, volunteerism and shared prosperity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Uun Lionar ◽  
Ridho Bayu Yefterson ◽  
Hendra Naldi

Abstrak: Ditetapkan sebagai Pahlawan Nasional oleh Presiden Soekarno di tahun 1963, Tan Malaka hingga saat ini masih menjadi pahlawan yang “redup”. Keterlibatannya dalam tubuh Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) di masa Hindia Belanda telah menempatkan Tan Malaka pada posisi sulit, mengingat keberadaan PKI yang telah mengukir sejarah kelam di era kemerdekaan. Padahal, jika memperhatikan ide dan gagasan Tan Malaka yang tertuang dalam banyak karyanya, maka selayaknya ia dijuluki sebagai Bapak Republik. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menelaah kiprah Tan Malaka dalam pergerakan nasional dah mengekplorasi titik kontroversi Tan Malaka. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari tahap heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa titik kontroversial Tan Malaka terletak pada keterlibatannya di tubuh PKI masa Hindia Belanda, namun demikian Tan Malaka adalah seorang nasionalis yang konsisten memperjuangkan cita-cita kemerdekaan Indonesia melalui ideologi yang diyakininya. Adanya larangan ajaran Marxisme-Komunisme pasca pemberontakan PKI di tahun 1965 membuat Tan Malaka semakin terpinggirkan sebagai pahlawan nasional, selama Orde Baru namanya tidak terdapat dalam buku-buku pelajaran di sekolah maupun dalam Album Pahlawan Nasional, hal ini menjadi kontroversi atas keterlibatnnya di tubuh PKI. Namun, Era Reformasi menunjukkan sebuah kemajuan, buku-buku karangan Tan Malaka kembali dicetak dan banyak ilmuan mulai serius menyelami sosok Tan Malaka, terutama berkenaan dengan pemikiran dan gagasannya.Kata Kunci: Tan Malaka, Kontroversi, RevolusiAbstract: Defined as a National Hero by President Soekarno in 1963, Tan Malaka is still a "dim" hero. His involvement in the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) during the Dutch East Indies had put Tan Malaka in a difficult position, given the existence of the PKI which had carved a dark history in the era of independence. In fact, if you pay attention to Tan Malaka's ideas and ideas contained in many of his works, then he should be called the Father of the Republic. This research aims to examine Tan Malaka's progress in the national movement and to explore the points of controversy of Tan Malaka. The method in this study uses the historical method which consists of 4 (four) stages, namely hauristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The findings of this study indicate that Tan Malaka's controversial point lies in his involvement in the PKI during the Dutch East Indies, however, Tan Malaka was a nationalist who consistently fought for the ideals of Indonesian independence through the ideology he believed in. The prohibition against the teachings of Marxism-Communism after the PKI rebellion in 1965 made Tan Malaka even more marginalized as a national hero, during the New Order his name was not included in school textbooks or in the National Hero Album, this became a controversy over his involvement in the PKI. However, the Reformation Era showed progress, Tan Malaka's books were again printed and many scientists began to seriously delve into the figure of Tan Malaka, especially with regard to his thoughts and ideas.Keywords: Tan Malaka, Controversy, Revolution 


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 318
Author(s):  
Arif Budi Darmawan ◽  
Ayu Dwi Susanti ◽  
Azinuddin Ikram Hakim ◽  
Fadhil Naufal

The end of the New Order era is an opportunity to develop a new structure in Indonesia. The beginning of the reformation era was marked by the emergence of the Islamist movements or the rising religious spirit era. In this article, the term Islamism is not defined as a discourse within politics of religion, but it refers to narrative spiritual expression in the public space. In a more specific way, this article would like to describe how young Muslims criticize Islamism in their daily lives. This research found that Islamism that occurs in family milieu and in the circle of a friendship has created anxiety mong them. This anxiety appears in the form of disagreement on monolithic definition of Islamism, the criticism of the new pattern of piety in the public space, and the counter narrative to the Islamism phenomenon. Pasca runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru seolah menjadi ‘keran’ bagi terbukanya sistem dan struktur sosial di masyarakat, salah satunya ditandai dengan menguatnya Islamisme atau kebangkitan semangat beragama. Islamisme yang akan diulas di penelitian ini bukan merujuk pada diskursus relasi politik agama, namun lebih kepada eksistensi dari ekspresi keagamaan yang muncul dalam bentuk meningkatnya penggunaan atribut Islam di ruang publik. Penelitian ini secara khusus berupaya memberikan gambaran bagaimana pemuda Muslim mengkritisi fenomena Islamisme dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya Islamisme yang terjadi di ruang lingkup keluarga dan pertemanan melahirkan berbagai keresahan bagi anak muda. Keresahan itu terwujud melalui ketidaksetujuan tentang pemaknaan baru dalam Islam yang dinilai homogen, kritik atas pola kesalehan di ruang publik, dan munculnya konter narasi berupa perlawanan atas fenomena Islamisme.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Fuadi

This paper discusses the discourse about the complexity of ethnic and religious identity monism in Mataram Lombok West Nusa Tenggara; Sasak ethnic is Islam, while Balinese ethnic is Hindu. The question is then does religious conversion also include ethnic conversion? Methodologically, this paper is library research. Several notes related to this discourse are as follows: (1) Increasing conflict escalation occurs during the Reformation era. Identity politics emerge and strengthen. In several conflicts at Mataram, the ethnic and religious identity is thickening. (2) There is a complexity between democracy and diversity. Democracy demands unity, while multiculturalism emphasizes particularity. Balancing them is easy in theory but difficult in practice. (3) It must be distinguished between politics and politicization. In the case of Indonesia, ethnic and religious issues are often politicized by some people to achieve their own group goals. (4) Relying on ethnicity is a natural instinct in self-defense and affirming identity. This is not necessary to be troubled and blamed. (5) These problems are like a Pandora's box, a box full of diseases. It was the reform era that opened the box which had been closed or covered by the New Order. What happened in the Reformation Era is the emergence of various ethnic and religious problems which were not recognized during the New Order era.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwiyanto Indiahono ◽  
Erwan Purwanto ◽  
Agus Pramusinto

This research aims to examine differences in the relationship of bureaucratic and political officials during the New Order (Soeharto’s era) and the Reformation (post-Soeharto) era within the arena of public policy implementation. This is a matter of importance given that there is a change in relations between the two from integration in the New Order to bureaucratic impartiality in the Reformation Era. This study attempts to answer the question: How were the relations of bureaucratic and political officials in the implementation of local level public policy during the New Order and the Reformation Era? A qualitative research has been conducted in Tegal Municipality using the following data collection techniques: interview, focus group discussion, documentation, and observation. Tegal Municipality was selected as the study location because of the unique relationship shown between the mayor and the bureaucracy. Its uniqueness lies in the emergence of bureaucratic officials who dare to oppose political officials, based on their convictions that bureaucratic/public values should be maintained even if it means having to be in direct conflict with political officials. This research indicates that the relationship between bureaucratic and political officials in the arena of local level policy implementation during the New Order was characterized as being full of pressure and compliance, whereas during the Reformation Era bureaucrats have the audacity to hinder policy implementation. Such audacity to thwart policies is considered to have developed from a stance that aims to protect public budget and values in policies. The occurring conflict of values here demonstrates a dichotomy of political and bureaucratic officials that is different from the prevailing definition of politics-administration dichotomy introduced at the onset of Public Administration studies.


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